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This text has been proofread but is not guaranteed to be free from errors. Corrections to the original text have been left in place.
Title: Nineteenth-Century American Suffragists in the News, an electronic edition
Author: 
Publisher: New York TimesNew York HeraldNew York WorldNew York TribuneWashington PostRevolutionSan Francisco Chronicle
Place published: 
Date: [1856-1902]
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IntroductionThis collection contains newspaper reports about nineteenth-century women's rights meetings, lectures, and other activities. It also includes interviews with Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton. The collection focuses primarily on Stanton, but encompasses information about many other suffragists as well, including Anthony, Lucy Stone, Antoinette Brown Blackwell, Matilda Joslyn Gage, and others. The hope for this collection is that it will inform readers about women's rights activities and also make them aware of the prominent place these activities were granted in the newspapers of their day. If we realize how important Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and others were for their contemporaries and the vital roles they played in furthering women's rights, we will be less likely to consign them to a dusty corner of history. The issues they raised and the fights they fought and often won remain of vital importance today.Public MeetingsStaffNew York TribunePublic Meetings.Woman's Rights Convention.Speeches By Mrs. Lucy Stone (Blackwell), Mrs. Mary F. Davis, Mrs. Elizabeth Jones and Mr. Wendell Phillips.In response to a call from Mrs. Paulina Wright Davis and Mrs. Lucy Stone (Blackwell), President and Secretary of the last year's Woman's Rights Convention, those interested in Woman's Rights met yesterday morning, in the Tabernacle, to the number of a thousand. Three-fourths of those present were ladies.The Convention was called to order by Mrs. Paulina Wright Davis, who stated that at a little meeting which they had held the night before, they had determined upon a list of officers, and she proposed Mrs. Lucy Stone (Blackwell) for President of the Convention.The Ayes were so very faint, that when the new President had taken the presidential position, she felt compelled to call on the ladies to express themselves more loudly on the succeeding votes. The following officers were elected by louder voices:Vice-Presidents, Mrs. Lucretia Mott of Pa., Mrs. Elizabeth Jones of Ohio, Mr. T. W. Higginson of Mass., Mrs. Cornelia Moore of N.J., Mr. A. Brownson Alcott of N.H., Mrs. Sarah H. Halleck of New-York, and Mrs. C.I.H. Nichols of Kansas.Secretaries, Mrs. Martha C. Wright of New York, Mr. Oliver Johnson of this city, and Mrs. Henrietta Johnson of New-Jersey.Business Committee, Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose, Mr. Wendell Phillips, Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mr. T. W. Higginson, Mr. James Mott, Mrs. M. A. W. Johnson, and Mr. William Green, Jr.Treasurer, Mr. Wendell Phillips.Finance Committee, Miss Susan B. Anthony.The President, in a speech of some length, then detailed the progress which had been made since the commencement of the Woman's Rights movement. When they began there was not a wife who could own what she earned--there was not one now in New-York--nor was there one who could make a will unless her husband stated in it that he gave her his permission, or who could hold property unless it was vested in trustees. Now, in Massachusetts they had been heard before a Constitutional Convention, and their petition for suffrage rejected only because, as they had but two thousand names to it, the Convention inferred that the great mass of the women of Massachusetts did not desire it. And two years ago, when the men of Massachusetts took the control of the State out of the bands of the Hunkerism of Boston, statutes were passed giving married women the right to own property, real or personal, to their own earnings, and to make a will. Maine, New-Hampshire and Rhode Island had modified their statutes very considerably. In Vermont, according to the old law, when a man died leaving no children, half his property went to his wife and half to the State. They now thought more of the wife than of the State there. In New-York, Mrs. Rose and Susan B. Anthony had been before the Legislature, and for the last two years there had been a bill before the Legislature providing that when a husband is a drunkard or a profligate, his wife shall have a right to what she earns. Ohio had modified her laws very much, and Wisconsin had given almost all that they could ask, except the right of suffrage. And last year there were three manly men found there who dared report in favor of free suffrage for women as well as men. In Michigan, two years ago it was proposed that women should have the right to their own babies; (parenthetically to the audience, "none of you have;") but there was one Mormon member of the Legislature who defeated the bill. Still further West, in Nebraska, when Mrs. Bloomer sent in a petition asking that women should have the right to vote, a bill to that effect passed the House, and in the Senate went to a third reading, and was lost only on account of the early closing of the session. They would get the right there first if anywhere, and she knew scores of women who would go to Nebraska to live, when they could get the right of suffrage there; for they said it was better to be citizens than to be subjects. They had claimed, too, for women, the advantages of a higher and broader culture, and there were springing up all over the land female colleges. Her curse was upon them for their results; her blessing for what they stood for. They were all second rate, but they showed that woman's claim of the highest opportunity for culture would be granted to her. Horace Mann had told her that at Antioch College, a woman had solved problems in mathematics which no man there could do. In England, too, there was some agitation. She had lately seen an article in The London Times, and last Winter, a petition, which was sent to Parliament by the Howitts, Harriet Martineau, and Mrs. Jamieson, was presented by Lord Brougham, and received with respect. The admirable essay of Mr. Higginson on Woman and her Wishes, and a sermon by Theodore Parker, had been reprinted there. A compilation of British Law in relation to Women had also been published. During the Presidential campaign, everywhere the Republicans had said that there would be seats reserved for the ladies at their meetings, and when Mr. Fremont was to be seen in New-York, there was no peace among the People until Jessie came out too. They all recognized woman's right to have something at least to do with politics. And so she came there with fresher hope in her heart. They had advertised that certain speakers would be present; but if any man or woman had an earnest word to say for or against them, God forbid that any such should be crowded out. They should commence their sessions at 10 1/2 a.m. and 7 1/2 p.m.Mrs. Rose, Chairman of the Business Committee, asked that Committee to retire.Mrs. Mary F. Davis was then introduced. She commenced with a sketch of the condition of woman in the earlier and more barbarous ages; when man little thought that the passive being by his side, whom he regarded as scarcely better than his horse, was to be his redeeming angel, and traced the progress of the emancipation of woman in knowledge and action, bringing the memory of queens and authoresses to witness and illustrate it. In the material realm woman's power was very great. It was in great measure by the women of England that the abolition of Slavery on English soil was effected, and she hoped that this influence of woman would soon make itself felt over the land of the free and the home of the brave. But more than this was her influence spiritual and artistic. In the far future woman would be able to love without self-annihilation at the shrine of her devotion. But there was a long work to do first. She read passages from Judge Reeve's statement of the law in relation to woman, asserting the right of the husband to the person of his wife, which was, under the law, as complete as that of a master to his slave. If she could bind herself by a contract she would be liable to imprisonment by violating it, and might thus be taken from her husband. This the law would not allow; therefore, she must not have the right to make contracts. This right of the husband to the person of the woman, Mrs. Davis thought, one of the most prolific causes of woman's woes; producing, as it did, a mass of legalized licentiousness, which was as destructive to the health and morals of the offspring as to the health and happiness of the wife. A beautiful woman, whose husband was a rich and influential man, and who had a number of beautiful children, took prussic acid not long ago. People wondered why she, the favored one, should do the fearful deed. She (Mrs. Davis) had read her heart, and she knew that the marble halls in which she lived were a prison to her, and her silken robes were chains that bound her to a tyrant's lust. How many a wretched woman trembled at the sound of a familiar voice, which should fill her soul with music, and quailed at the glance of that eye which should send the sunshine dancing to her heart. How many went to their lords like menials for the pittance which their necessities required, and felt all their nature outraged by the sense of beggary force on them by the grudgingness of the bestowal. How many more found themselves chained for life to monsters of intemperance and vice, who robbed them of their earnings under the sanction of the law, and forced them into the untold tortures of unwilling maternity, cursing their offspring in the very begetting with the infernal inheritance of physical and moral pollution. This deprivation of personal liberty had, through all the ages, been working with terrible effect on the destiny of woman and the race. Out of this assumption had grown up with the marriage institution a system of legalized prostitution, which gave man unbounded license to sensual indulgence, degrading to the level of mere animal life, while it robbed woman of beauty, health and vigor, turned the sweetness and loveliness of her nature to the bitterness of discontent, and changed all her love to loathing. Let her be rescued from this profanation; give her the supreme control of her most sacred function, and would the world longer be peopled with such swarms of half-made wretches, the offspring of bitterness and hate, as now oozed out from the pestilential dens of our thronged cities to be thrust into the charnel-house or throttled on the gallows?During the delivery of Mrs. Davis's address a young person who looked like a clerical student, wore spectacles, a ten days' beard, and a demure face, made himself ridiculously conspicuous by the manifestation of an indiscriminate desire to clap his hands. His pious face and his promiscuous applause elicited several smiles. When she had ended, he mounted the platform, and after a few words with the President, she announced Senor Tomas de Belancourt y Agramante.Sr. De Belancourt Y Agramante said that he was very proud that it had been his happy fate to have drunk American milk in his early youth. He felt inspired to express his feelings on the present occasion. In the many speeches he had heard in the Tabernacle, he had never heard more truly American reform, national, natural expressions than here. If we would follow the feelings of these ladies, Slavery would be done away. He was the owner of a negro, and he had committed monstrosities upon his father's plantation in Cuba. Let us follow these ladies mildly and sweetly. Should he have come here if he had been driven by fierce words. Would he, if a thousand and a million bayonets had been before him? No, no. [Loud applause and laughter]. His heart felt indignant at his alien intellect. He was only sorry that his heart was ashamed of his intellect. He would that he could speak like a Webster.The President spoke to the Senor.Mrs. Rose presented the Business Committee's Report, and it was read by Mrs. Paulina Wright Davis as follows:Resolved, That the close of a Presidential election affords a peculiarly appropriate occasion to renew the demands of woman for a consistent application of Democratic principles.Resolved, That the Republican party, appealing constantly through its orators to female sympathies, and using for its most popular rallying cries a female name, is peculiarly pledged by consistency to do justice to woman hereafter in States where it holds control.Resolved, That the Democratic party, also, must be utterly false to its name and its professed principles, or else must extend their application to both halves of the human race.Resolved, That the present uncertain and inconsistent position of Woman in our community--not fully recognized either as a slave or as an equal--taxed, but not represented--authorized to earn property, but not free to control it--allowed to obtain education, but not encouraged to use it--permitted to prepare papers for scientific bodies but not to read them--urged to form political opinions, but not allowed to vote upon them--all mark a transitional period in human history which cannot long endure.Resolved, That the main power of the Woman's Rights movement lies in this: that while always demanding for Woman better education, better employment and better laws, it has always kept steadily in view the one cardinal demand--for the RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE--as being, in a Democracy, the symbol and the guaranty of all other rights.Resolved, That the monopoly of the Elective Franchise, and thereby all the powers of legislative government by man, solely on the ground of sex, is a usurpation, condemned alike by reason and common sense; subversive of all the principles of justice; oppressive and demoralizing in its operations, and insulting to the dignity of human nature.Resolved, That while the constant progress of laws, education and industry prove that our efforts for woman in these respects are not wasted, we yet proclaim ourselves unsatisfied, and are only encouraged to renewed efforts until the whole be gained.After a few remarks from Mrs. Lucretia Mott on the importance of brief speeches, the President announced that a letter had been received from Mr. Francis Jackson of Boston, enclosing $50; and the Rev. T. W. Higginson read a leader from the Rev. Samuel Johnson.Senor De Belancourt y Agramante, without mounting the platform moved that the male part of the congregation join with him in the Lord's Prayer for giving them such good companions in life. He proceeded:"Our Father which art in heaven, hallowed by thy name; thy kingdom come; thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and give us good ladies; forgive us our trespasses," etc.The President said that she did not know but they would find it necessary to repeat this portion: "Forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us." She hoped that their invitation to speak would not be abused by any one who had nothing to say.Miss Susan B. Anthony spoke on the necessity of the dissemination of printed matter on this subject. She named The Lily, The Woman's Advocate, and said they had some documents for sale at the platform.Senor De Belancourt y Agramante made another little speech about Americans.A gentleman offered a lot of resolutions, and although the President stated that they would go to the Business Committee, proceeded to read them. They provided for the preparation and publication of a full report of the proceedings of the Convention, and also for offering premiums for essays on various subjects, one of which was whether if the state of society were such that girls of fifteen could, by some light mechanical labor, be rendered pecuniarily independent, it would be favorable to general morality.Senor De Belancourt y Agramante said that he would like to apologize to the Convention.Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose made some remarks on Mr. Johnson's letter, that it was not true that the mother was deprived of her own children. She had been all over the Northern States, and she had never been in a county where some man was not claiming his child, and trying to tear it from its mother, not that he cared a copper for it, but to tantalize its mother.The President said that a slip had been sent up to the platform, on which it was written that women had control of their property. This was not true. She knew of many a mean man who, taking advantage of a mean law, married a young girl for her property, and paid his debts with it. There was great work to do. An alarming amount of ignorance was to be overcome. Only the other day she heard a woman say, "O! yes, this Woman's Rights will be a fine thing; then I can go down to Stewart's and run up a big bill, and my husband will pay for it." Woman's Rights was not running up big bills at Stewart's. The Printers' Union at Boston discountenanced the employment of female compositors; that was unworthy of them. If this Convention should awaken in one woman an earnest purpose to be a noble woman and to be herself, if it should make one man reverence his mother more, it would not have been in vain. The Convention then adjourned.EVENING SESSION.The Convention reassembled at 7 1/2 o'clock; about five hundred people were present.Mrs. Elizabeth Jones spoke for an hour and a quarter on the wants of woman, what had been done for her, and what remained for her to do for herself. Her ideal of a woman was one who could not only make bread and darn stockings, but also be the equal of her companion in judgment and scholastic attainments, and in her ability to earn an independent living.Mr. Wendell Phillips was then introduced. He said that he had been told that The Times of to-day threatened the women that if they went on they would forfeit the protection of the men. Perhaps it might not be needed. Nine-tenths of all the men could not defend their right to vote so well as the woman who had just sat down. The situation of woman was a complete index of civilization; Utah was barbarism. The Saxon race had led the van in the elevation of woman. The first line of Saxon history was written by Tacitus when he chronicled that "on all great questions they consult their women." Europe had known three phases: the dominion of bullies--of brute force; the dominion of wealth, which we now saw; and the dominion of brain which was to come. In this new reign a career would be opened. We lived in a government where The N.Y. Herald and The N.Y. Tribune, thank God, were more really the governing power than Franklin Pierce. Woman's right to vote he regarded as the nucleus of all her rights; he considered it to be founded on the great American principle that the tax-list and the ballot-box always went together. If it were based upon intellectual capacity, why, Mrs. Somerville or Harriet Martineau could spare brains enough to set up all the editors who had ever ridiculed the movement and not miss it. [Laughter and applause]. The two great objects of society were the production of wealth and thought. Woman had more of the elements of thrift than man; she saved more than half of the wealth that was saved. And who would say that woman was not the equal of man in giving impulse to public opinion. The most advanced ideas of France, the social teacher of Europe, had been first discussed in the saloons [sic] of woman. Woman could not now be educated, because she had no motive for opening books. She could secure through them only the name of Bluestocking. But the statute books of the States had begun to change all that. In Kentucky women were allowed to vote. In the election of trustees for the school fund, every widow in this State, who had a child between six and eighteen, was allowed to vote in person or by proxy, as she chose. His principle was, that if women were not to be allowed to vote, they shall not be taxed. If this were not done, he would have Bancroft and Hildreth sealed books, and allow Mr. Gilmore Simms to have his own way with the history of all the States. He thought that the little editors and lecturers who wore coats, and therefore presumed to say that Mrs. Somerville and Charlotte Bronte stepped out of their sphere, exhibited at least courage.Woman's Rights ConventionStaffNew York TimesWoman's Rights Convention.Has Woman a Right to Vote?--Speeches by Mrs. Wright, Miss Susan B. Anthony, Wendell Phillips, Ernestine L. Rose, Rev. Beriah Green, Elizabeth Johnes and Others--What is Woman's Sphere?About four hundred persons, mainly females, convened at Cooper Institute yesterday morning on the Occasion of the Tenth Anniversary of the Woman's Rights Association. The following officers were elected:President--Mrs. Martha Wright, of Auburn, N.Y.Vice-Presidents--Mrs. H. Gibbons, Wendell Phillips, Asa Fairbanks, Dr. Brown, Antoinette Brown Blackwell, Robert Purvis, Thomas Garrett, Elizabeth Johnes, Giles Stebbins.Business Committee--Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Antoinette Brown Blackwell, Elizabeth Gay, Wendell Phillips.Secretaries--Mary L. Booth, Ellen Wright.Finance Committee--Susan B. Anthony, Lucy N. Coleman, Marietta Richmond.Martha C. Wright, of New-York, on taking the Chair, returned her acknowledgements for the honor conferred. She saw the use of such conventions in the good already done by them. No doubt when their objects were attained, the New-YorkObserver would roll up its eyes and say, "This reform we have always advocated." [Laughter.]Miss Susan B. Anthony was the next speaker. She saw the progress of their work in the altered tone of the Bench, the Bar and the Press to favor woman's rights; the donation of $5,000 to the cause by a wealthy merchant of Boston; the bequeathment of $400,000 by a millionaire of Poughkeepsie to found a Woman's College equal to Yale or Harvard; the passage of the recent act by the New-York Legislature, securing rights of property to woman; the increasing liberality of literary institutions; the school of design for woman, and the liberality of Peter Cooper in granting the use of this Hall for their meetings. [Applause.] All these things denoted the approach of the freedom of woman to command her person, her wages, her children and her home. During the year, six women have been kept lecturing, and 150 meetings have been held in 40 counties, and a number of tracts and documents have been distributed.Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose was the next speaker. She said it was true in the spiritual and moral world, as in the physical, that stagnant waters and atmosphere could be purified by agitation. She defended the character of Fanny Wright, declaring that that much abused woman was a reformer in advance of the times in which she lived. She traced the progress of the woman's rights movement, and declared that now the state of public sentiment is such that all woman need to do to obtain her rights is to ask for them. [Applause.] She thought woman was far better adapted to many occupations than men who now monopolized them. She could, as in England, officiate as telegraph operator, and she could devote the leisure hours to sewing and knitting. That was more than man could do. [Laughter.] She could perform the duties of the young men who "keep house" in the Patent office. [Laughter.] And even in Congress she could find something to occupy her head and hands to keep her from fighting. [Laughter.] Mrs. Swisshelm, who, like others, asserted that the woman's rights movement had accomplished nothing, was willing to accept a position as inspector of lumber and logs, and, still more willingly, a salary of $500 per annum--[Laughter]--the fruits of the woman's rights movement. [Applause.]Mrs. Jane Elizabeth Johnes, of Ohio, was the next speaker. She premised her speech by a resolution that woman's sphere cannot be bounded; its prescribed orbit is the place that in her highest development she can fill; the laws of mind are as immutable as are those of the planetary world, and the true woman must ever revolve around this great sun of light and truth. She argued that if the talents of woman were developed, men would not be displaced from any positions which they are calculated to fill. She saw a man-milliner the other day, and concluded that he was out of his sphere, and had also crowded some woman out of her sphere. She would rather see a woman holding a plow than leading such an idle, silly, dimless life as many do. [Applause.] Perhaps they would like agriculture better under another name--husbandry. [Laughter.]Rev. Beriah Green was the next speaker. He proceeded to defend the rights of woman as the coequal of man. The audience became somewhat restless, and called for Phillips. Mrs. Wright, the President, however, requested silence, and stated that Mr. Phillips would speak when Mr. Green had finished, and not before. Mr. Green declared that he would not retire to please any impertinent interference, and finished his speech.Wendell Phillips was the next speaker. He said we arrange some matters by statute law, and some by fashion. Social life began centuries ago, where legal life stands to-day--woman was nothing. But in social life woman has taken the lead. She dictates; she has demanded that literature be decent, and she has herself assumed the pen. That represents what changes the law and civil state are to undergo. The law was halting back with the old civilization. But the law passed by the last New-York Legislature granted the whole question, for when one thing was granted the rest must follow. Woman had been granted the right to be hung, therefore she would be granted the right to vote. [Applause.] This Republic acknowledges the principle that the poor and weak are not to be protected by the rich and strong--but are to be empowered to protect themselves. But, "woman don't know enough." Then let her be taught. If she has sense enough to work she has sense enough to vote. If woman is like man she has a right to vote in a ballot-box based upon brains; if she is not like man, man does not know how to vote for her. [Applause.] But it was too indelicate for woman to go to the ballot-box. Why? Because she saw men there. Didn't she see men everywhere--in the street, the church, crowding him out of the omnibus? If woman could walk the streets she could go to the ballot-box. Woman has a right to have her name on the poll-books, as well as on the tax-list and the penal code. [Applause.] When the parson and the exquisite say it is not religious, it is not fashionable, for women to work and vote, let them strangle the minister with his own creed, and smother the dandy in his own perfume. [Laughter and applause.] The experiment of American government, according to Humboldt and Earl Grey, was a failure: New-York spent twice as much for murder, drunkenness, rowdyism, unsafety, dirt, and disgrace, as Paris pays for quiet, safety, peace, beauty, and civilization. [Applause.] As long as the Pulpit concealed this truth of woman's rights, it was a brothel, instead of an orthodox Church. [Hisses]. Hisses could not change it; let them go and clean out the Gehenna of New-York. [Applause.] Show him the necessity in civil life, and he would bring them forty thousand pulpits who would prove that St. Paul meant just that (woman's rights) all the time [Applause.] In conclusion, Mr. Phillips called attention to the conduct of the husband of Mrs. Norton, the celebrated English authoress, who, after doing his best to malign the character of his wife, did not scruple to appropriate the earnings of her pen.EVENING SESSION.The hall was nearly filled in the evening, the President vindicating the punctuality of woman by calling the meeting to order precisely at the hour named in the advertisements.Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose presented a series of resolutions from the Business Committee, which were read by Miss Susan B. Anthony. They declared woman's equality with man; her inalienable rights to be represented in the jury box as well as in the criminal's box; the injustice of appropriating the property of woman to endow Colleges which are to be enjoyed exclusively by males; that women should apply to the trustees and heads of literary societies, libraries and other similar institutions for employment as clerks and attendants, furnishing a stepping-stone to other occupations.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton was next introduced, and repeated her eloquent address, which was delivered before the Judiciary Committee of the last Legislature and had an undoubted influence in securing the passage of the bill for awarding woman some of her rights of property. An abstract of the paper was published at the time. The address was listened to with profound attention and repeated demonstrations of applause.Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose was the next speaker. She thought that Solomon must have been a wise man, because while most men complain of the task of governing one wife, he governed a thousand. [Laughter and applause.] She would not undertake to answer whether woman would be satisfied with being the equal of man. [Laughter.] As Alexander wept for more worlds to conquer, woman might weep for more rights to acquire. [Laughter.] As to the bill passed by the last Legislature granting further rights to woman, it was well that one righteous bill should be passed among so many unrighteous ones. [Laughter.] It was left for the Legislature of 1860 to give woman a right to her own children. [Laughter.] She further criticised [sic] the law, and created much merriment by reference to the clause providing for woman to sell her own real estate, "provided she can get the consent of her husband;" or, in the event of his refusal, the consent of the County Court. Would woman make such a law for her husband? If she did, it would doubtless serve him right. [Laughter.] She dwelt long on the features of the law having reference to woman's rights of property, urging that woman was entitled to an equal share of all property acquired after marriage. As to admitting woman to the bar and jury-box, she replied to the charge that woman would not be generous, that we had had generosity so long, it was time we tried the taste of a little justice. [Laughter.] Women had a right to be lawyers, doctors, and even ministers, so long as it is fashionable to have those spiritual doctors. [Hisses and applause.]Miss Susan B. Anthony called the attention of the audience to the future meetings of the Society; the tracts and documents for sale at the door; the opportunity for contributing to the cause; and a number of letters from various parties making contributions--among others Mr. Gerrit Smith.Loud cries were now made for Phillips, but as Mr. Phillips was not in the house, Judge Culver took the stand, and spoke with reference to several cases that came under his own observation. In the first, under the law of the last Legislature, securing to woman the proceeds of a suit for personal injuries, a woman had been allowed to testify in her own case on a suit for damages. The lawyer on the other side said the Legislature had completely emancipated woman, and about all a man had to do was to go home and sleep nights, and perhaps next year he would have to get a permit to do that. [Roars of laughter.] He adverted to the present amount of women's rights accorded under the laws, and predicted that the time would come when woman should go to the ballot-box, and sit in the jury-box to pass upon certain classes of cases, and now that he was off the Bench, he didn't know but that women would make better judges than some of those now on the Bench. [Applause and laughter, and cries of "That's so."] In a speech which he had made to some Canadians, he had told them that we were willing to believe that woman was capable of self-government, and ready to swap off Frank Pierce for Queen Victoria. [Roars of laughter.] He couldn't speak any more, because he was going to Chicago next week. [Applause.]The meeting closed with a brief address by Mrs. Rose, and loud calls for Phillips.Woman's Rights Convention.StaffNew York TribuneWoman's Rights Convention.The tenth annual Convention of the friends of Woman's Rights commenced yesterday morning at the Cooper Union. There were about 1,000 persons present, of whom seven-eighths were women, and a fair proportion young and good looking.Mrs. [sic] Susan B. Anthony, Secretary of the previous Convention, called to order, and named Mrs. Martha Wright of Auburn to preside; for Vice-Presidents: Mrs. A.H. Gibbons, Wendell Phillips, Asa Fairbanks, Antoinette Brown Blackwell, Robt. Purvis, Thomas Garrett, Elizabeth Johns, Giles Stebbins; for Secretaries: Mary L. Booth, Ellen Wright; Head of Business Committee: Ernestine L. Rose; of Finance Committee: Susan B. Anthony.Mrs. [sic] Anthony spoke hopefully of the progress of the cause. The tone of public feeling was changing; the press was coming over, and the pulpit would come to their side. She referred to the law passed by the last Legislature of New-York giving women the control of their property and children as a gratifying evidence of progress, and hoped for a much more important step in the next revision of the State Constitution. An allusion to the munificent donation of $400,000 to form a college for women called forth applause. Mrs. Anthony reviewed the position of her sex as relating to civil rights, showing that constant and gratifying improvements have been made and were being made, as the natural result of the twenty years of agitation in which the leading members of this Convention had been engaged. In this State six women had been lecturing for several months during the past year; in 40 counties conventions had been held, and lectures delivered in 150 towns. Great quantities of documents had been sold and given away to anxious readers. Besides securing the Women's Property law and the Boarding-House act, progress was made toward giving women the right of suffrage, Senator Colvin being of the opinion that such an amendment to the Constitution might be carried with proper effort. Mr. Stanton said the present year would be devoted chiefly to the State of Ohio, where the Constitution was about to be revised, in the hope of securing to the women of that State the liberal laws just adopted in New-York.Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose was then introduced. She was in favor of agitation; stagnant waters, whether physical, social, or moral, could only be purified by agitation. Whatever has been accomplished, much remains to be accomplished, but the remainder will be comparatively easy, for the first step is the most difficult. Frances Wright, nicknamed Fanny Wright, was the first woman to speak of the equality of the sexes, and she received stigma, slander, and persecution. But she had her reward--the reward no slanderer can pollute--the eternal reward of knowing she had done her duty. The speaker reviewed the history of the Woman's Rights agitation at some length, showing how, by successive steps, they had gained various advantages which should spur them on to renewed efforts. Beecher and Chapin have declared for Woman's Rights. Only think of it, she said, a minister declaring for Woman's Rights. [Laughter.] Our printing offices and stores are filling with women. Instead of standing behind the counter and measuring tape, the young men ought to be plowing.Mrs. J. Elizabeth Johns of Ohio, the next speaker, presented a resolution declaring that woman's sphere cannot be bounded; that the laws of mind are as immutable as those of the planetary world, and that the true woman must ever revolve around the great sun of moral light and truth. She proceeded to advocate the justice and expediency of admitting women to the professions, and alluded to the coarseness and brutality often displayed by lawyers in cross-examining female witnesses. Talent, and not choice, should determine one's position. It is so in art, and should be so everywhere. The other day she saw a man-milliner holding up a bonnet on his soft hands, and expatiating on its merits. A lady tried it on, and he went into ecstasies; it was such a fit, and so becoming! He complimented the bonnet, and then he complimented the lady. She could but think this man was out of his sphere, and had crowded some woman out of her sphere. In a shoe-store, instead of a sprightly girl to try on women's gaiters, you find a strong man, who tries it, and fusses over the gaiter, and over the foot, until the lady is almost tempted to propel him into his true sphere. [Laughter.] When and where was it discovered that God made man to fit ladies' gaiters? [Laughter.] If woman can write good verse, let her. If she can build ships, let her be a shipbuilder. If she can keep house, let her be a housekeeper; and that requires about as much brains as anything else. [Laughter.] She had found three women out West who plowed, and plowed well; and she had rather see a young lady hold a plow than to see her decked out finely, and sitting in the parlor waiting for an offer of marriage.After some remarks from the Rev. Beriah Greene, which were dull and not relished by the audience, Wendell Phillips came forward. He spoke with especial reference to legal reform for woman. Oriental civilization made woman a toy; but as we go westward, civilization is founded on thought. In social life it is idle to say woman is man's equal; she is his superior, she is here supreme. She has demanded that literature should be decent, and literature has been changed. You do not now find it necessary to say to a husband, Your wife has a right to read, or to a churchman, that a woman has a right to choose her creed. That is all settled. We have made great progress, and are simply extending liberty. The law of the last Legislature conceded the whole ground; for the moment you grant anything you must grant everything. Men are not easy with inconsistent statute books. As old Fuller says, you cannot make one side of a man's face laugh and the other side cry. You have granted woman's right to be hanged; therefore you must grant her right to vote. But it is said that woman has not got sense enough to vote. Then so much the more shame on our schools. Educate her. You think she has got sense enough to earn her own living; and if so, she has sense enough to say whether Fernando Wood or Governor Morgan shall take one cent or ten cents out of her pocket, with which to buy fireworks. But it is said woman is so different from man she does not know how to vote. If that is so, said Mr. Phillips, then I don't know how to vote for her. If she is like man she certainly has a right to vote; if she is essentially different, then man cannot be her interpreter, and she must come into the legislative hall and speak for herself. He did not believe men and women are the same; if they were, marriage would be a very stupid state; but the fact that she is different is the very reason why she should be represented. It is said it would be indelicate for woman to go to the ballot-box. But what would she see there? Why, she would see men! Is that indelicate? If the men are brutes, they have no business to be there. Woman is in Broadway, in the omnibus--from which she sometimes crowds us out; in the theater, church, everywhere; and it is too late in the day to say it will be indelicate for woman to be seen at the ballot-box. My dear, delicate friend! you are out of your sphere; you belong to Turkey, where they have harems, or to China, where the women don't have any feet because they are not expected to walk. [Laughter.] Walk down Broadway and meet a hundred thousand petticoats, and there you have a hundred thousand answers to your argument. Any man who is not idiot enough to be excused from the gallows has sense enough to vote. That's the doctrine of republicanism. And until you stop taxing woman's property, and except her from penal legislation, you are bound to give woman the right to vote.At the close of Mr. Phillips's remarks, the meeting adjourned until evening.EVENING SESSION.The great-hall of the Institute was nearly filled in the evening by a very respectable audience, among whom were a number of Quakers, negroes, and a good sprinkling of nice young men, all of whom listened to the remarks of the speakers in the most decorous manner throughout, and appeared to fall in love with the reasoning and wit of the lady orators.A series of resolutions were presented from the Business Committee and read by Mrs. [sic] Susan B. Anthony, declaring woman's equality with man; her inalienable rights to be represented in the jury box as well as in the criminal box; the injustice of appropriating the property of the woman to endow colleges the benefits of which are to be enjoyed exclusively by males; that woman should apply to be trustees and heads of literary societies and libraries, and other similar institutions, for employment as clerks, and thus furnish a stepping-stone to other stations not now filled by her.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton was then introduced, and delivered an able and somewhat lengthy discourse upon the question of the rights of women in general--the same that she delivered before the Judiciary Committee of the last Legislature, and which probably had some influence in favor of the laws then adopted for the protection of her children and property. Mrs. Stanton closed by relating an epilogue of ancient Athens, in which two rival artists made statues to crown the lofty dome of a great building which had just been completed.One statue was life-size, beautifully proportioned, exquisite in every respect, and was worshipped with ecstacy [sic] by the populace, the other was gigantic, rough in finish, and spurned as an insult. The former was elevated, and as it rose higher and higher, the deafening applause of the populace died away, because it became so small that it resembled a shapeless ball. The other was then elevated, and gradually its rough lines softened, its proportions became natural and beautiful, and the shouts of the populace became deafening in honor of the artist. The latter was the woman of the reformers. The speaker appealed, that all right-minded people should enable them to elevate such a statue of woman, as would be fit to crown the great fabric of the American Republic.Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose gave a humorous and very well received review of the progress of legislation on the subject of woman's rights, more particularly considering the great concessions which the legislature had made, in allowing, hereafter, the women of New-York State to kiss their own babies instead of those of their husbands, and in case they earned any money, or got property by the toils of half-pay, that they might keep it. Mrs. Rose was repeatedly applauded.Mrs. Susan B. Anthony read a letter from Gerrit Smith to Lucy Stone, expressing sympathy with the meeting, and also one from Giles P. Stebbing of Boston, regretting his inability to be present, and inclosing $20 for the benefit of the cause.Wendell Phillips had been announced as the next speaker, but, for some reason or other, he was not about; his place, therefore, was supplied by Judge Culver of Brooklyn, who stated several cases, which, as it happened, came under his supervision in court this very day, touching the new woman's rights laws. A poor, ragged woman, of marked intelligence and education, had applied for relief from a drunken husband, who, under the old laws, had for a long time dissipated and squandered her hard earnings beyond her power to refuse, until both herself and her children were half starved and half naked.The convention reassembles this morning at 9 o'clock for the transaction of business, and will be addressed at 10 by Wendell Phillips, Mrs. J. C. Jones on marriage and divorce, Mrs. E. C. Stanton, and Mrs. Antoinette Brown Blackwell.The Woman's Rights AnniversaryStaffNew York TimesThe Woman's Rights Anniversary.Second Day--Addresses and Resolutions by Mrs. Blackwell, Mrs. Stanton, Miss S.B. Anthony, Wendell Phillips, Wm. Lloyd Garrison and others.At the commencement of the meeting yesterday morning there were about one hundred persons present. These were subsequently increased to about one hundred and fifty. The resolutions from the Business Committee were first read by Mrs. [sic] Anthony. Mrs. Jane Elizabeth Jones, from Ohio, was then introduced. Man and woman in the beginning, she said, were created equal, and anything that was done to give them equal rights was right and proper. Men would find it to their interest to do all that was right for women--to give them the highest culture which schools and colleges would afford. The young men, if consulted, would say, "Let the girls go to college with us." But, as it was now, the girls and the boys did not know each other. Young men were duped too often if they thought the girls that married them loved them. One girl wanted to escape from a stepmother whom she hated, and made a choice between that stepmother and the young man. Another married through fear of poverty, and perhaps some went into the wedded state through fear of remaining single. And yet young men boasted of their conquests, and did not know the true reason why the women married them! But if woman was allowed to use the talents which God had given her, she need not marry for a position. Educated women married for higher reasons than fear, bread or position in life. Woman would have her rights, let man do what he may. She asked no rights from man, for man had none to give her--none to spare from himself. Satan promised Jesus all the kingdom of the world, and the glory of them, if he would fall down and worship him; but it was well known that the poor devil had no rights to give, and so man could give no rights to woman. She was born with rights, and only wanted man to recognize them. At least, like the Prince of Orange, she would die in the last cinch before she surrendered them.Rev. Samuel Longfellow, of Brooklyn, followed, upon the rights of woman, as claimed by those present who had labored in the cause. He considered the force of habit as the great obstacle to the progress of the Woman's Rights movement.The following resolutions were then introduced by Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton:Resolutions.Resolved, That in the language (slightly varied) of John Milton, "Those who marry intend as little to conspire their own ruin as those who swear allegiance; and as a whole people is to an ill government so is one man or woman to an ill marriage. If a whole people, against any authority, covenant or statue, may, by the sovereign edit of charity, save not only their lives, but honest liberties from unworthy bondage, as well may a man as party against any private covenant, which he or she never entered to his or her mischief be removed from unsupportable disturbances to honest peace and just contentment.Resolved, That all men are created equal; and all women, in natural rights, are the equals of men, and endowed by their Creator with the same inalienable right to the pursuit of happiness.Resolved, That any constitution, compact or covenant between human beings, or even between God and human beings that failed to produce or promote human happiness, could not in the nature of things be of any force or authority; and it would be not only a right but a duty to abolish it.Resolved, That though marriage be in itself divinely founded, and is fortified as an institution by innumerable analogies as the whole kingdom of universal nature, still a true marriage is only known by its results; and, like the fountain, if pure, will reveal only pure manifestations. Nor need it ever be said, "What God hath joined together, let no man put asunder," for man could not put it asunder; nor can he any more unite what God and nature hath not joined together.Resolved, That of all insulting mockeries of heavenly truth and holy law, none can be greater than that physical impotency is cause for divorce, while no amount of mental or moral or spiritual imbecility is ever to be pleaded in support of such a demand.Resolved, That such a law was worthy those dark periods when marriage was held by the greatest doctors and priests of the Church to be a work of the flesh only; and almost, if not altogether, a defilement, denied wholly to the clergy; and a second time, forbidden to all.Resolved, That an unfortunate or ill-assorted marriage is ever a calamity, but not ever, perhaps never, a crime; and when Society or Government, by its laws or customs, compels its continuance, always to the grief of one of the parties, and actual loss and damage of both, it usurps an authority never delegated to man, nor exercised by God himself.Resolved, That observation and experience daily show how incompetent are men, as individuals, or as governments, to select partners in business, teachers for their children, ministers of their religion or makers, adjudicators or administrators of their laws, and as the same weakness and blindness must attend in the selection of matrimonial partners, the dictates of humanity and common sense alike show, that the latter and most important contract should no more be perpetual than either or all of the former.Resolved, That children born in these unhappy and shadowed connections are, in the most solemn and important sense, of unlawful birth--the fruit of lust, but not of love, and so not of God, divinely descended, but from the earth, whence proceed all manner of evil and uncleanness.Resolved, That next to the calamity of such a birth to the child, is the misfortune of being trained in the atmosphere of a household where love is not the law, but where discord and bitterness abound, stamping their demoniac features on the moral nature, with all their odious peculiarities; thus continuing the race in a weakness and depravity that must be a sure precursor of its ruin, as a just penalty of long-violated law.Mrs. Stanton spoke warmly in defence of her resolutions, declaring incongenial marriage, particularly when the husband is vicious and brutal, to be legal prostitution.Mrs. Blackwell added a long series of resolutions, declaring that marriage is a voluntary alliance of two persons, and from the nature of the case must be as permanent as the life of the parties; but that in no case had man or woman a right to surrender individual freedom, physical, mental or moral.In speaking to her resolutions, she held that the marriage relation could no more be dissolved than the relationship between parent and child; and that the only question was whether there really is marriage.On the conclusion of the address of Mrs. Blackwell, Wendell Phillips arose and objected to the presence of the resolutions upon the records of the Convention. He thought that properly they should not appear, as they were extraneous matter.Mrs. Stanton said they were only the expression of individual opinion, and that the Convention was not responsible for them.Wendell Phillips said if that was the fact, then they certainly ought not to appear as a part of the record of the Convention. It was not a marriage Convention; they were there to consider laws and to oppose laws bearing unequally upon the sexes. He thought the Convention had nothing to do, as a Convention, with the theory of marriage; and he, personally, believed that there were Carkers among women, as well as Carkers among men. [Applause.] There were inequalities for which the law was not to be blamed--for instance, intemperance, a prevailing vice, bore much more harshly upon the married woman than upon the man; but the remedy for that, was with the question of what is called "free love," were sufficient to have movements of their own. He would, therefore, move that the resolutions do not appear on the records of the Convention. The speeches, if reported, would go out as individual opinion; but such speeches, he claimed, should not be interposed to delay the regular business of the Convention. They had had an experience last year, which he thought should not have been forgotten; and such discussions would, he thought, delay the consummation of the desires of the Convention, more than any other. They wanted laws to put woman exactly in a like position with the man. They said to the Legislature, "make the laws of property as you please, but make them for woman as for man--make man and woman alike under the laws." [Applause.] From experience, he was prepared to believe in what has been said by a lady, and that was, "that a man never could make a good defence [sic] of woman's rights." He believed that to speak well of woman's rights required a woman's experience. In conclusion, he congratulated the assemblage upon the progress that had been made in the work in which they were principally interested. Great and sudden changes could be seen by all. When the monsoon was impending, the thermometer would jump an inch, but in lesser changes it made slower progress. It rose, then, by infinitesimal degrees, rendering it difficult to observe the change. The last Legislature of the State of New-York had jumped up an inch, in relation to the rights of women, and he thought they might soon expect a monsoon that would clear the field, and leave the women all that they desired. He would not be surprised if, at the period of two years, they would be prepared to dissolve the Woman's Rights Organization, follow the women to the polls, and see that they did their duty at the ballot-box. It was Luther who taught the people that it was possible for a man's wife to be an Episcopalian and her husband a Presbyterian, and so for them to differ and belong to separate denominations. So now it was beginning to be, and would be, were woman admitted to the ballot-box--believed to be possible, and consistent with the peace of the family, that the husband should be a Democrat and the wife a Republican. The opposite he could not imagine, for he could not believe for a moment that fresh hand in the field of politics could by any possibility be a Democrat. [Great applause.] He would therefore say that the woman might be a screaming Republican and the man might be--well, he could not tell what the man might possibly be. Mr. Phillips left the desk amid the loud applause of the audience.When he had retired, Mr. William Lloyd Garrison was announced. He said he did not disagree much with what Mr. Phillips had said, but still he would not like to see the resolutions proposed by Mrs. Blackwell and Miss [sic] Stanton stricken from the records of the Convention. He thought that in the discussion of the primary objects of those who had assembled, although it was not absolutely necessary, still it appeared to be almost necessary to bring subjects into the discussion by way of illustration, or enforcing the argument, that might in themselves be considered as belonging to other or as being in themselves distinct issues. Had he had time or opportunity, he would have presented a resolution to the effect that the rights of women were as fixed and as eternal as the rights of men, notwithstanding what any book, however excellent, might teach. They, probably, all recollected the story of the boarder, who, in the presence of the landlady, held up a piece of bread scrutinizingly in her presence. Madam was in the habit of spreading all the bread, and seeing him thus examining a piece of it, asked him what he was looking at. He answered, "I have lived for forty years, and do you know I am so great a fool that I cannot tell on which side the bread is buttered." So it was with them often in other matters. They, as men, did not allow any book whatever to drag them up to it and say what they were; and so it was with women. They claimed to state their rights and wrongs, in their own way, and stand by the result. After all, the whole question was that of the ballot-box. Give women an opportunity to say what the law should be, and the work would be done. If woman then was outraged, if she was pushed to the wall, it would be her own fault. If we chose--spitting upon Washington, Jefferson, and Bunker Hill--to go back to aristocratic Governments, we might; but if we were to retain the Republican form, we must retain it in its length and breadth, and give woman a chance equal with that of man.When Mr. Garrison had retired, Miss Stanton claimed that the subject of marriage grew naturally out of the question legitimately before them. Marriage, it was held, was an alliance between equals, but the laws made it between unequals. Miss Susan B. Anthony arose and hoped that Mr. Phillips would withdraw his motion. She was very sure that is was not parliamentary, or the custom of Conventions, after having allowed a speech to be made upon certain resolutions, to object to place the resolutions themselves upon the record. Marriage was, and always had been, a one sided affair, and therefore in her opinion, it ought to be discussed in such a meeting. [Applause.]The President then put the motion of Mr. Phillips, that the resolution by Mrs. Blackwell and Miss Stanton be stricken from the Record of the Convention, and it was lost by a large majority, so the resolutions went upon the record.Miss Susan B. Anthony then, in moving the adoption of the resolutions of the Business Committee, wished to add a resolution of thanks to the late Legislature for what it had done for the cause of Woman's Rights. All the resolutions were then adopted, and after a brief address by Mrs. Mary Drew, of Philadelphia, the Convention adjourned sine die.Woman's Rights ConventionStaffNew York TribuneWoman's Rights Convention.Second Day.The Convention was called to order yesterday morning, shortly after 10 o'clock. The attendance at the opening was rather meager, but subsequently full and attentive.Mrs. [sic] Anthony read the resolutions that were offered yesterday, asserting that it was the duty of men to stand aside and let women grow up in an unrestrained manner; that women demand equal legal rights in all respects with man--the right to the jury-box and the ballot-box, where she may protect her own rights; that there should be no more denial of woman's rights to go into colleges, into shops, stores, offices, and all places where the labor is within their capacity.Mrs. Jane Elizabeth Jones of Ohio was introduced, and said the reform they sought was not partial, it was based on natural rights, and man was as much interested as woman, since the elevation of woman would certainly elevate the opposite branch of the human family. All reforms must of course overturn all tyrannies; but what were the inconveniences of the few to the general benefit of the many? Man's highest good absolutely demands the ends which we seek. In education it would surely benefit man to educate woman to the highest attainable point. You educate your boys to be the future men of the nation; do you not reflect that there are to be future women of the country as well? We feel the need of this education in our own daily experiences. We learn more readily by contact with educated minds than by books. How important then, that married people especially, should be able to instruct each other. The children of such a pair are born to a glorious inheritance.The speaker descanted particularly on marriages, and the motives which instigated them--some for a fine home, some for money, some for position, some through fear of being old maids. She said: We laugh at these; but we laugh where all that is sacred in human nature is at stake. True, you may win; but who dare play where the hazard is so great? The adoption of our plans would relieve woman from this necessity of marriage. If she saw no acceptable mate, she would have opportunity to labor and make wealth and position. We want woman to have a chance to avoid marriage until she can effect it in consonance with nature and reason. Avocations are slowly opening to women, however, and there is much promise in that fact. Within a few years much as been done; women are clerking, printing, engraving, drawing, and selling goods--all which were recently thought unfeminine occupations. The speaker was grateful for the law passed last Winter at Albany; yet she prophesied that fathers would not trust the law--they would even place the dowry of their daughters beyond their own control as well as that of their husbands, lest in spite of the present law, the woman should be coaxed into giving up to her partner that which we have endeavored to secure to her.The Rev. Samuel Longfellow came forward and made a brief address. He said the chief thing in the way of the full recognition of woman's equality was woman herself; men are more willing to grant your rights than you are to claim them. The whole of the matter now before us is, that man and woman--made and placed side by side--are and should be coequal in all the rights. Whatever a person can do they should have the right to do it. Opportunity should be limited only by ability. As water finds its level, so man or woman, left free, will find their proper sphere and calling.He answered those who say that woman's only sphere is the home: The home was a place of the noblest and highest development not only of woman but of man, who too often neglects it. But it is not woman's only sphere, nor do the very women who say it believe what they say. How many women are there who are not at the head of a home, and who never have been or will be? How many, too, who must leave home to earn bread for their children? He agreed with the claim for a wider field and better wages for women--for a field as wide and pay as liberal as those now enjoyed by man--a field as wide as the world, where she may enter not only without prejudice but with every possible encouragement. You fear that if this field be opened, all women will become public speakers. There is no fear. Like men they will follow that for which they are best fitted, and certainly they are not all speakers, nor writers, nor sculptors, nor painters.He claimed that most occupations were already open to women, and the only great and not practically granted is that of voting. He did not know but they might as well go up and vote without waiting to be permitted, for they doubtless had the right as taxable citizens of a constitutional government. But all this is coming, and women will ere long vote with as little restriction or annoyance as they now go to the Post-Office for their letters. He complimented the noble women who had so long fought for these rights, and encouraged them to go on. It was only a question of time; success was certain. [Applause.]Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton was introduced, and read a resolution declaring the equality of women in a paraphrase of the Declaration of Independence, and others with reference to the marriage and divorce.Resolved, That in the language (slightly varied) of John Milton, "Those who marry intend as little to conspire their own ruin as those who swear allegiance; and as a whole people is to an ill government so is one man or woman to an ill marriage. If a whole people, against any authority, covenant or statue, may, by the sovereign edit of charity, save not only their lives, but honest liberties from unworthy bondage, as well may a man as party against any private covenant, which he or she never entered to his or her mischief be removed from unsupportable disturbances to honest peace and just contentment.Resolved, That all men are created equal; and all women, in natural rights, are the equals of men, and endowed by their Creator with the same inalienable right to the pursuit of happiness.Resolved, That any constitution, compact or covenant between human beings, or even between God and human beings that failed to produce or promote human happiness, could not in the nature of things be of any force or authority; and it would be not only a right but a duty to abolish it.Resolved, That though marriage be in itself divinely founded, and is fortified as an institution by innumerable analogies as the whole kingdom of universal nature, still a true marriage is only known by its results; and, like the fountain, if pure, will reveal only pure manifestations. Nor need it ever be said, "What God hath joined together, let no man put asunder," for man could not put it asunder; nor can he any more unite what God and nature hath not joined together.Resolved, That of all insulting mockeries of heavenly truth and holy law, none can be greater than that physical impotency is cause for divorce, while no amount of mental or moral or spiritual imbecility is ever to be pleaded in support of such a demand.Resolved, That such a law was worthy those dark periods when marriage was held by the greatest doctors and priests of the Church to be a work of the flesh only; and almost, if not altogether, a defilement, denied wholly to the clergy; and a second time, forbidden to all.Resolved, That an unfortunate or ill-assorted marriage is ever a calamity, but not ever, perhaps never, a crime; and when Society or Government, by its laws or customs, compels its continuance, always to the grief of one of the parties, and actual loss and damage of both, it usurps an authority never delegated to man, nor exercised by God himself.Resolved, That observation and experience daily show how incompetent are men, as individuals, or as governments, to select partners in business, teachers for their children, ministers of their religion or makers, adjudicators or administrators of their laws, and as the same weakness and blindness must attend in the selection of matrimonial partners, the dictates of humanity and common sense alike show, that the latter and most important contract should no more be perpetual than either or all of the former.Resolved, That children born in these unhappy and shadowed connections are, in the most solemn and important sense, of unlawful birth--the fruit of lust, but not of love, and so not of God, divinely descended, but from the earth, whence proceed all manner of evil and uncleanness.Resolved, That next to the calamity of such a birth to the child, is the misfortune of being trained in the atmosphere of a household where love is not the law, but where discord and bitterness abound, stamping their demoniac features on the moral nature, with all their odious peculiarities; thus continuing the race in a weakness and depravity that must be a sure precursor of its ruin, as a just penalty of long-violated law.She proceeded to speak to the resolution placing man above all governments, all institutions. Of marriage, she said if it is a human institution, a mere legal contract, it should be treated like any other contract; it is to be made at mature age, and faithfully kept. She compared marriage with the harmonious operations of natural laws, to show that it is a merely human and fallible institution, founded in interest or friendship, and not in love. From it flow human wretchedness and despair; cold fathers, unhappy mothers, and hopeless children shivering around the hearth where the fire of love has long ago gone out.She looked upon the family as the conservator of national virtue; but what family was that where force and hate ruled, and crushed out hope and love? Can that name be sacred where a helpless woman lives in legalized prostitution with a man from whose touch she shrinks with shivering horror--where frightened children fly shrieking from the blows of a drunken father? You tell us that woman finds her only true sphere at home. Then let us be supreme in those homes--let us make the laws which guard that inner sanctuary of the heart. The best interests of the State and the nation cry out against thousands of terrible marriages. Our papers teem with accounts of suicides of sad and despairing wives; our courts attest the impossibility of happiness in such alliances.THE TRIBUNE, I know, asserts that these wretched men and women are united by Divine authority, and that man must not separate them. But I do not believe that all wisdom will live and die with Horace Greeley. [Applause and hisses.] Had we been married to The New-York Herald instead of THE TRIBUNE, I have no doubt that Mr. Bennett would long since have discovered that there was a proper way of terminating alliances such as I have described. Mrs. Stanton said that marriage was far more to woman than to man; he was in business, abroad, traveling, could escape an unpleasant home in a thousand ways; but with woman it was all in all for life. They were secluded, and it was only through husbands, fathers, brothers, or sons that they could feel the pulsations of outward human life. Mrs. Stanton noticed the divorce laws of various States, to show that the marriage contract was the only one not limited by reason, the only one from which the parties had no legal escape upon the failure of the promises of the makers. She closed, abruptly, with a panegyric on woman.Mrs. Antoinette Brown Blackwell said there were two sides to every question, and proceeded to read resolutions, declaring that marriage is the voluntary alliance of two persons, and from the nature of the case must be as permanent as the life of the parties; but that in no case has man or woman a right to surrender his individual freedom, physical, mental or moral. Mrs. Blackwell argued that the marriage relation can no more be dissolved than the relation of a parent to the child, and that the only question is, whether there is really a marriage. She protested in strong terms against the subjugation of woman to man, and pronounced those of her sex who submit as weak and helpless creatures.After a general discussion, the resolutions were adopted, and the Convention adjourned sine die.MarriageStaffNew York TribuneMarriage.E.C.S. writes us an elaborate essay on Marriage and Divorce, intended to show that the Law of Marriage, as it now exists, is unequal, and does injustice to Woman. As our own State, and in part others also, have removed the anomalies and inequalities thus arraigned, we submit that what she says is wide of any practical question. Marriage essentially is the indissoluble union of one man to one woman: this we contend for; this we hold vital to pure paternity, public morality, and social well-being; but if there be anything in our laws incidental to Marriage that bears unequally, unjustly on Woman, we favor its early modification. But this is not germane to the point on which E.C.S. has thrown down the gage to the Christian world. Two of her resolves submitted to the Woman's Rights Convention are as follows:Resolved, That an unfortunate or ill-assorted marriage is ever a calamity, but not ever, perhaps never, a crime; and when Society or Government, by its laws or customs, compels its continuance, always to the grief of one of the parties, and actual loss and damage of both, it usurps an authority never delegated to man, nor exercised by God himself.Resolved, That observation and experience daily show how incompetent are men, as individuals, or as governments, to select partners in business, teachers for their children, ministers of their religion or makers, adjudicators or administrators of their laws, and as the same weakness and blindness must attend in the selection of matrimonial partners, the dictates of humanity and common sense alike show, that the latter and most important contract should no more be perpetual than either or all of the former.--This is the broadest and fullest assertion of the right of Divorce at the pleasure of the husband and wife--nay, of either of them--that we ever confronted. The doctrine is in our eyes simply infernal, and calculated to plunge the world into a bottomless abyss of immorality and lewdness. There are fifty thousand men in this city who would each take a new wife at least as often as he ordered a new coat if the laws were modified into accordance with the above propositions; and they would have little difficulty in finding wives to take. God pity the generation of children doomed to grow up under such a dispensation! The one sorry consolation in the case is, that there would not be many of them, and that the most of these would live but a short time.--We have so often controverted essentially the positions of E.C.S. that we do not feel required to restate the argument, especially as we find the true doctrine tersely summed up in one of Mrs. A.B. Blackwell's counter-resolves submitted to the same Convention--viz:Resolved, That as a parent can never annul his obligation toward even a profligate child, because of the inseparable relationship of the parties, so the married partner cannot annul his obligations toward the other, while both live, no matter how profligate that other's conduct may be, because of their still closer and alike permanent relationship; and, therefore, that all divorce is naturally and morally impossible, even though we should succeed in annulling all legal ties.--It is idle to indulge in speculations on a point whereon History speaks so plainly, irresistibly. Wherever Divorce has been easy and common, there continence has steadily and rapidly declined, unless already so low as to render decline impossible. On the other hand, the Indissoluble Marriage of one man to one woman has always been found, as a general rule, conducive to public morality and personal well-being; though, doubtless, individuals have suffered from it. In our view, however, the fundamental idea of the State or Commonwealth is the subordination of individual to general well-being; and so we hold that the good citizen will cheerfully bear the ills of an unfit marriage rather than seek its dissolution at the cost of the general good.The AnniversariesStaffNew York WorldThe Anniversaries.A Woman's Rights Diversion in the "Anti-Slavery" Society Meeting.Talk from Women Declared "Out of Order."Greeley, Beecher, Owen and Schurz called an "Ugly Quartette."Aqueous Enthusiasm of the Temperance Folks, &c., &c, &c.The Anti-Slavery Society met last night at the lecture-hall of the Church of the Puritans, ostensibly for a business meeting, Wendell Phillips in the chair. There was a quaint collection here of gentlemen with spectacles, learned colored gentlemen, ladies with quaker bonnets, and other peculiar head gear, bloomer costume, and colored ladies in a condition of ecstatic excitement.Mr. Pepper, of Norfolk, Virginia, commenced by a speech denouncing the Freedmen's Bureau, saying that its officers were all corrupt, that it was doing more harm to the negroes than the State authorities could possibly do, and arguing from his own experience that any civil government was better than the military despotism now in power there. He concluded impotently by favoring negro suffrage.On motion, the following committees were appointed by the chair:Nominating Committee--Edward Davis, of Pennsylvania; Lydia Mott, of New-York; Stephen Foster, of Massachusetts; Mary Green, and Susan B. Anthony, of New-York.Business Committee--Rev. J.T. Sargeant, Lucretia Mott, Abby Smith, of Connecticut; Robert Purvis, Sallie Hollie, Parker Pillsbury, Martha C. Wright.Finance Committee--E.M. Davis, Susan B. Anthony, Sarah Hallock. The resolutions, which were published in yesterday's WORLD, were then taken up, seriatim, for formal adoption.Upon the reading of the resolution commending Congress for the passage of the Civil Right's bill, "over the veto of the Southern leader," Mr. Prince suggested that it would be well to qualify the thanks offered to Congress in consideration of its failure to pass any act giving suffrage to the negro, and in consideration of the passage of the shameful act admitting Colorado with the word white in its constitution.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton said she saw no courage or devotion on the part of Congress in giving to the negro the Civil Rights bill, when they do not give him the suffrage. We have all along heard that all measures are not worth a fip which do not give the suffrage to the negro.Mr. Prince said when it was said last night that Henry Ward Beecher's magnanimity swallowed up everything else, he was sorry for it, for he believed that the load should not be taken from Mr. Beecher's shoulders for his defection until he thoroughly repents. Our work is of the very greatest importance. He believed that the voice here uttered would have a powerful effect, and that the resolutions should therefore be carefully considered, and that no failing of Congress should be glossed over.Mr. Parker Pillsbury said that he thought the Civil Rights bill was a compromise, and therefore rather evil than good. The principle that half a loaf is better than none will not hold good in morals, for the half loaf may be so bad as not to be worth so much as none at all. If it were a stepping stone, and Congress were as persistent as before for negro suffrage, he would be satisfied; but the shadow has gone back on the dial of Congress, and suffrage has been lost sight of. Congress has since interpreted the Civil Rights bill, by the bill admitting Colorado with the word white in its constitution.Robert Purvis, of Philadelphia, pitched into Horace Greeley, Robert Dale Owen, Henry Ward Beecher and Carl Shurz. Mr. Shurz says he has a prejudice against the negro, and Mr. Beecher has said that he never saw the negro woman he would marry, and Greeley and Owen belonged to the compromise party, and these four therefore comprised to him a quartette of the ugliest men he knew of. (Laughter and applause.) He was opposed to the praise of the passage of the Civil Rights bill.Mr. Phillips said he thought the struggle between Congress and the President was peculiar. It developed the real attitude of the President. It broke the links which bound many to the President. The passage of the Civil Rights bill was a great point gained. The courage and devotion of Congress--for it was that--renders a very considerable share of gratitude from this society due them. He suggested that the resolution should be so amended as, while thanking Congress for the Civil Rights bill, it should censure them for the utterly inadequate and unjust plan of the Reconstruction Committee, and the failure to give the negro everywhere the right of suffrage.Mary Greed, of Philadelphia, was in favor of praising where it was possible to do so. In some sense it may be absurd to thank anybody; but she believed it was as much their duty to praise as to censure. It had been said that the Abolitionists were a carping set, and never satisfied with anything, and always finding fault. She would pour out the vials of censure from this society on the admission of Colorado, but she would commend an act at which we were all rejoiced.Susan B. Anthony said the Civil Rights bill was a compromise with the lower strata of the Republican party. They should have passed the suffrage for the negro, and Congress should be denounced to the death for it. It is almost a death to the nation that Congress did not have the strength and courage, in defiance of the President, to put suffrage into that bill.Mr. Phillips said that, so far as the law-making power was concerned, there was nothing for the Anti-Slavery Society to ask but suffrage; that was a glorious fact, and should command our gratitude.Theodore Tilton said, if this meeting had been encamped at Washington, instead of here, as he was, at the time of the passage of that bill, when the anti-slavery men threw up their hats in defiance of the rulers of Congress, and George J. Downing was half crazy, and the speaker was not half sane, when every expression was delight, they would not have hesitated about expressing thanks for the Civil Rights bill.Mr. Phillips then put the motion on the amendment suggested by him and moved by Lucretia Mott, and it was carried by a vote of 25 to 15.BURSTING OF A WOMAN'S RIGHTS BOMBMr. Aaron A. Powell, the secretary, moved a resolution to the effect that the attention of the people of New-York be called to the fact, that the approaching constitutional convention would be a proper opportunity to eradicate for ever from that constitution the distinction of race in the exercise of suffrage.Mrs. Stanton moved an amendment, that they be requested to so amend the constitution as to guarantee to the State a republican form of government which would strike out the words "white" and "male." In a cause for which women had labored for thirty years she did not see the justice of securing suffrage to the negro and denying to women.Mrs. Abby Kelly Foster considered it out of place to bring the question of woman's suffrage into this convention. Suffrage to the negro and woman, although they were one in a broad sense, were separated in the public mind, and were best advocated separately. This was not a suffrage society alone, it was an anti-slavery society. The negro was still a slave in fact, and at present, while the civil rights of negroes cannot be protected, we were still an anti-slavery society.The Chairman, Wendell Phillips, with some acerbity, said Mrs. Stanton's amendment was out of order, because it was not consistent with the constitution.Robert Purvis, of Philadelphia, said he would appeal from the chairman's decision. He believed it was the business of this society to resist all oppression--the oppression of women, as well as others.Old Mr. Foster, who was stated to be the husband of Abby Kelly Foster, wanted to know wherein the amendment was out of order.Mr. Phillips said the sole object of this society was the abolition of slavery in the United States.Mrs. Stanton said here motion was merely that the Constitution of the State of New-York should be amended so as to give it a republican form of government, and she had expressed her opinion that that would strike out the word "male."That rather cornered Mr. Phillips, but he stuck to his decision, and, on vote, he was sustained.Mr. Foster, the husband of Abby Kelly, moved that the resolution be amended to strike from the constitution all restrictions from the right of suffrage and establish a republican form of government. He said when the meeting adopted the ten minutes' rule, he made up his mind he should have nothing to say. He believed that on this question of woman's suffrage will depend the continued existence and usefulness of this society. We are divided and if we have another division we go down. When he was pinned down to ten minutes he didn't like it.A resolution was adopted to the effect that Mr. Foster should have all the time he wanted.After some interruptions Mr. Foster continued his argument. Mr. Phillips being out of the room, Mr. Remond, a colored gentleman, took the chair. Mr. Foster differed from Mrs. Foster in thinking that the question of woman's suffrage was all-important to this society. He said some years ago the question came before this society whether women had a right to speak in public. It was said the Anti-Slavery Society had nothing to do with that question, as it is said now that the question of woman's claim to suffrage is not pertinent to the objects of this society. Woman's vote as well as woman's voice in public was one of the means of accomplishing suffrage for the negro. I will never, he said, approach the ballot box of this country till I take my wife in my--on my arms. I will not consent to degrade myself so much as to vote even to give her the right to vote. Let the negro demand that the white tyrants of New-York shall give to their allies, the women, the right to vote.Mr. Prince asked if the negro woman ought not also to be included in the right of suffrage.Mr. Foster (with vast indignation)--I never advocated suffrage for a black man in distinction to a white man, nor for a man in distinction to a woman. I asked for suffrage for all. If this society desires to keep its eye upon the negro, we ask that woman may have the ballot that she may give it to the negro. Your government will be a rank despotism when you deny the woman her rights as well as when you deny the negro his. We shall never have peace or liberty in this country, but turmoil and revolution upon revolution, until we take the broad ground of liberty to all. This question asks us to be true to the slave, and use a larger agency to accomplish his rights.A slim, drab old lady, with a Quaker bonnet, here got up, walked to Mr. Foster, and taking him by the shoulder whispered something in his ear in an endearing manner.What she said is not known, but Mr. Foster continued--My friend suggests that I said I would not vote for woman to have the ballot, and yet I work with the Republican party. A vote is not everything. I think my tongue is worth more than another man's vote. And I will use my tongue as much as my wife can use hers. (Laughter.)Mr. Lee said he believed that, so far as to it being true that the right of suffrage to the negro was to be secured by woman's vote, he thought that would be the very thing that would prevent it. It was woman's influence in the opera house, the theater, the church, the omnibus, that kept alive the prejudice against the negro. He stated many instances. He saw in our riot a negro, quivering in the agodies [sic] of death, suspended to a lamp-post, with a crowd of women about him, jeering at and pelting him with stones. So, too, in the rebellion, the most fiendish and devilish spirit has been manifested by the women.Mr. Prince said if this society took cognizance of the rights of white women in New-York, it should also claim the ballot for the black women of the South. We should not be afraid of this question. This question is not a foreign one, but one pertinent to the objects of this society.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton indulged in a very eloquent panegyric on woman.Mr. George W. Smalley, of the Tribune, said the reason there were so many of the class of women of which Mr. Lee had spoken was that there were so many such men as her.Mr. Pepper offered a resolution that the Anti-Slavery Society organize at once a political association and enroll the names of persons who will pledge themselves not to vote for anyone who does not favor negro suffrage.The resolution was passed without amendment.Mr. Remond here somehow got under the mistaken impression that some of the series of resolutions adopted by the society had not yet been voted on.A young lady, with a fashionable little bonnet and her hair frizzled on her temples, who sat on the platform, had been whispering to Mr. Remond, but probably that was not the cause of his condition of mind. He proceeded to take a vote on two or three resolutions that had already been passed, including the one which says President Johnson should have long ago been impeached.Abby Kelly Foster read a letter from a young man in Ohio who wanted to shake the nation. She also wanted a number of those here to pledge themselves to raise certain sums for the cause. She would pledge herself to raise a thousand dollars if her health was good, but it was not.Mr. Pepper agreed with Abby Kelly, but it should be taken in connection with his resolution, which had not been taken any notice of. All the resolutions passed were very well, but there was nothing practical in them--they were mere abstract propositions.CHARLES SUMNER DOES NOT ESCAPEMr. Phillips having been whispering with the secretary, in total oblivion of Mr. Pepper, Miss Susan B. Anthony rose and said she thought the Executive Committee would meet and organize some aggressive work for the ensuing year. She had not heard Charles Sumner denounced as he deserved to be. He is the most dangerous man in the nation. Charles Sumner's bill, proposed after the Civil Rights bill--don't you laugh at me, Theodore Tilton, for you know I'm right--Mr. Tilton--I meant that as applause.Susan--That bill is a compromise of the negro's right and woman's right. It is not President Johnson we fear; we can get along with an out-and-out traitor. We must go on vigorously with this work as a religious duty to be done, and without doing which we shall be damned.Mr. Pepper withdrew his resolution.Abby Kelly Foster said, damnation--a damnation of blood and flame and fire, would come if we did not give the negro suffrage.Mr. Tilton explained his smile. When Miss Anthony said the society was going to be aggressive he tried to fancy what this society, which had been so lamb-like for the last thirty years, would be when it became aggressive.The society then adjourned.Shall Woman Vote?City Convention at Cooper InstituteStaffNew York TribuneShall Woman Vote?City Convention at Cooper InstituteThe Convention for the agitation of Woman's Rights, opened last evening in the Cooper Institute. In spite of the rain the audience was respectable in point of numbers. Miss Susan B. Anthony was called to the chair. The following was among the resolutions adopted:That the ballot, alike to the woman and the negro, means bread, education, intelligence, self-protection, self-reliance and self-respect; to the daughter it means industrial freedom and diversified employment; to the wife, the control of her own person, property and earnings; to the mother an equal legal right to her children; to all it means social equality, colleges and professions open, profitable business, skilled labor, and intellectual development.Speeches in advocacy of these resolutions were made by Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Miss Emma Hardinge, and Col. Moss of Missouri. We have only room for an abbreviated report of the address of Mrs. Stanton:The ballot, the symbol of equality, is the foundation right of every citizen under government. Advancing civilization has been ever marked by an extension of this right, and no privileged order can show title to a power to fix limitations to its exercise. As the ballot is the key to reconstruction, a right knowledge of its use and power is the first step in the work before us. The theory of our Government makes universal suffrage the basis of republican institutions, but the several States, in framing their laws and Constitutions on the ideas of the corrupt civilizations from which they sprung, have disfranchised five-eighths of all their people. The legal disabilities to the exercise of suffrage in our country are five: age, color, sex, property, and education. As age depends on a fixed law (beyond the control of fallible man), the revolution of the earth round the sun, it must be impartial, for, nolens volens, all men must revolve with their native planet, and in process of time perform that journey often enough to become legal voters. As the right to the ballot is not based on intelligence, it matters not that some boys of 18 do know more than some men of 30. Inasmuch as boys are not bound by any contract, cannot sell a horse or a piece of land or be sued for debt until they are 21, this qualification of age seems to be in harmony with the statue laws of the land and common sense. 2. As to color and sex, neither time, money, or education can make black white or woman man; therefore such insurmountable qualifications, not to be tolerated in a republican government, are wholly unworthy our consideration. 3. As to education, property, to many minds there are some plausible arguments in favor of such qualifications; but to me they are all alike unsatisfactory, illogical, and unjust. It is said if a man cannot read the Constitution and lay up $250 he is unfit to vote. If reading and money-making were a sure gauge of character, intelligence and virtue were twin sisters, that might do. But in our late war, black men were loyal, generous and heroic, without the alphabet or multiplication table; while men of wealth, educated by the nation, graduates of West Point, were false to their country, and traitors to their flag. [Applause.] Before the art of printing were all men fools? Were the apostles and martyrs worth $250? Oh! no, the early Christians the children of art, science and literature, have in allages struggled with poverty, while they blessed the world with their inspirations. But, say some, such qualifications are a stimulus to learning and thrift. The dignity and responsibility of the ballot is a far better stimulus. A boy learns to swim much quicker floundering in the water, than practicing the motions on land. Such qualifications would cut off one-eighth of the population at the South, and one-twentieth in our Northern States. As capital has ever ground labor to the dust, is it just or generous to disfranchise the poor and ignorant because they are so? It needs but little observation to see that behind bread lies the ballot, and that disfranchised classes can never, in the race for the prizes of life, have a fair chance with their fellows. Black men, as a general thing, are cooks, waiters, boot-blacks or barbers, while those women who must labor outside the domestic circle are generally found in our workshops or factories, or they are seamstresses, teachers, or shopkeepers in a small way. Now, why are not women and negroes as a general thing side by side with white men in the professions, the political offices, in the trades and all profitable employments, and why in the same branches of industry are they paid less for their work? If there is any philosophical reason for all this outside the ballot, I should like to hear it, as I have searched in vain for any other cause. For the highest good of women and the nation, I demand that education that the ballot alone can give. With this we shall open at once our colleges of new medicine and divinity to the daughters of the State, that at the bar of justice they may plead for the weak and erring of their sex; in the pulpit preach the gospel of love to the sad and sorrowing, and in the hospital minister to the sick and dying who have neither friend or home. When women and black men hold the ballot, and not before, they will take their places beside the "white male citizen," in the honorable and profitable posts of life. By opening to women all the professions and political offices we shall raise the price of her labor in two ways. 1st, By dignifying the laborer and developing all her resources. 2nd, By decreasing the supply in the few avocations now over-crowded. When your wives are self-sustaining forces by your side, then marriage will be a dignified relation which all men will seek, for all women being creators of wealth, will be fortunes in themselves. Then women will not degrade that relation as now by marrying for bread. It will not be a question with her, "Has such a man money?" but, "Has he a sound mind in a sound body?" Once awake to the laws of science and of life, the independent, wise mother of the race will never consent to stamp on the brow of innocence a nature less pure and noble than her own. Wise men are looking sadly and thoughtfully on our social problem, and lamenting the increasing class of young men compelled to deny themselves the advantages of home and family because of the idleness and extravagance, the weakness and selfishness, of the women of our day. The family--that great conservator of national strength and morals, how can you cement its ties but with the virtue and independence of both man and woman? We demand the ballot for the laboring classes of women, and thus alone can they secure higher wages for their work, and credit and capital in the marts of trade. The statistics of woman's wages in the few avocations now open to her are truly appalling; and if a majority of women do not demand the ballot, it is because they are ignorant of its magic power. Look at your public schools, where woman is doing the grandest work for the life of this Republic in molding the minds of future legislators at one-third the price you pay man. Look at the thousands of young girls all over the State who are paid but $250 or $300 a year. Now, do you suppose they would rather live on 82 cents a day and board in an attic, than go to the polls and vote themselves Principal of a School at a salary of $3,000 and a house? Think of $300 a year for a young girl in this city--$5.67 a week, 82 cents a day. What a fund for board, washing, clothes, books, traveling expenses, amusements, cough drops, candy and charity! About as much as the voter spends in his Havanas. Ah! talk not to us of the "muddy pool" of politics; these starving prices bring woman down to "muddier pools" than could block her way to the ballot box. Fathers! Husbands! Brothers! Ponder well this problem of woman's wages. Perchance to-morrow your daughters may stand face to face with the stern realities of life, struggling with poverty and temptation, with no hope of ever laying up a dollar. If in a moment of despair ease and rest is offered her for a price, and she be drawn down in the whirlpool of vice, her sin lies at your door. Shall Senators tell us in their places we have no need of the ballot when 40,000 women in this city are living at starving prices by the needle? And below these in lower depths are a mighty multitude, over whose misery and crimes society draws the vail [sic] of forgetfulness, and before that inexplicable problem stands hardened or appalled! Had woman the ballot, some of the hundreds who now crowd our workshops and factories and schools would themselves be capitalists, school commissioners, superintendents and trustees, and vote themselves wages and salaries equal to their labor. But let us glance at some of the popular objections to woman's voting: First--"Woman does not know enough to vote." But women do vote on a property qualification in Sweden, Austria and Australia at this very day. Does woman know less under republican institutions than in the monarchies and despotism of the Old World? From the efforts made during the last session of Congress to introduce the word "we" into the Federal Constitution, it is evident our Representatives think we know too much, and unless they put up some new barriers, we shall soon be inside the ring. I am glad to see that Mr. Jenckes, of R. I., the father of one of the base propositions now before the nation, has repented during the Summer, and now takes his seat on the Committee for Civil Service. I hope by his good behavior on that committee he will in a measure atone for the very uncivil service he did us last session. "But what would become of the home and children if woman should vote?" What becomes of them when they go to the theater, opera, concerts, lectures, or to church? When they go to balls, parties, to spend months in Washington or Europe? It takes no more time to vote than to put a letter in the Post-Office. "But," say you, "a majority of the women do not wish to vote." There is a bill now before the British Parliament asking for "Household Suffrage," presented by John Stewart Mill, and accompanied by a petition from 10,000 of the best educated women of England, demanding for themselves the exercise of this right. Thousands of petitions for the ballot have been sent to our State and National Legislatures from the women of this Republic during the last twenty years. When a demand is made by the most enlightened women in every country, on what reason or fact is the opinion that woman does not want to vote? But what if a majority are too thoughtless or ignorant to make the demand? In establishing free schools did we wait to find out whether a majority of the urchins of the state wished to be educated? No. Believing that the stability of our institutions depends on the education of its people, we promptly passed laws in favor of free schools, then caught up all the ragged boys and girls we found in the streets and shut them up in the schoolhouse. Had it been left for them to decide, they would no doubt have voted down the alphabet and multiplication table. "But where is the advantage of giving the ballot to women. It would but double the vote." Well, if you object to double a vote, let man rest on his laurels, and we will do the voting for the next century! We could not get the reins of Government more tangled than they now are. I see how we could simplify this whole machinery of Government and relieve the white male citizen from the most perplexing part of his legislation, viz: the special provisions and statutes for women and black men. These classes have caused all the trouble for the last century, and the sooner we bury them in the citizen, the better for all concerned. If women and negroes cannot live under the same broad code, the "white mule [sic]" has made for himself, let them perish. At all events if you will do your duty in the coming Constitutional Convention, we'll try. In the present age of civilization, I fear the vote of man and woman would hardly be a unit. Think you the forty thousand drunkards' wives in this State, would vote against a prohibitory law, or for marriage and divorce laws, that make it impossible to sever the unholy ties that bind them to coarse, brutal, degraded husbands. But would you have delicate, refined women go to the polls with coarse men. We know these men, our fathers, husbands, brothers, sons, are all men. We meet them everywhere, in the streets, steamboats, as in the parlor, the church, the theater, and for aught I know the mass are as pure, noble as virtuous as we ourselves are. We have nothing to fear in meeting sober men at the polls. And for the rest, remember that every coarse, brutal drunkard has a wife, mother, sister, daughter, and in the solitude of home, where there is no eye but Omnipotence to pity, woman has already witnessed such scenes as can never be equalled at the polls--nowhere this side of the bottomless pit. The customs of a darker age have already placed woman by the side of man in all his amusements, vices, and crimes. Let us, then, in the new era demand that she be with him in his highest moments, in all his honorable employments. Until delicate and refined women do go to the polls and vote, these moral sewers of civilization will never be explored, the thick and muddy waters of these stygian pools of vice and crime will never be stirred from their very depths. The immortal ones who have fallen in slippery places will never be lifted up. Oh, leave them not there to die, for they die not alone, as filth, rages and vice, the ignorant, the degraded, the licentious, the off-scouring of humanity are all linked by an indissoluble tie to you and me, and we must lift them up or they drag us down."Reconstruction"StaffNew York Tribune"Reconstruction"Elizabeth Cady Stanton lectured last evening in Brooklyn on Reconstruction, and we give in other columns a full report of her address. There can be no true reconstruction, in her opinion, without an acknowledgment in the letter of the law of woman's rights. Mrs. Stanton can hardly expect to force public opinion straightway to her standpoint; but we do not know any better argument for those in whose behalf she pleads than the speaker herself, and her wise, womanly, and eloquent speech.Reconstruction.Lecture by Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton at the Brooklyn Academy of Music.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton delivered one of the Fraternity Course of Lectures at the Academy of Music, Brooklyn, last night, her subject being "Reconstruction." Before introducing Mrs. Stanton to the audience, the Chairman, Mr. Powell, editor of The Anti-Slavery Standard, said:The lecture on Tuesday evening of next week will be given by WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, of Boston. Mr. Garrison's theme will embrace to some extent, a topic which has already engaged public attention considerably, and which the events of to-day at Washington render it probable will be more extensively considered in the near future--that of impeachment. Many persons who have longed for something definite and practical from the XXXIXth Congress, in the way of Reconstruction, will be surely disappointed at the failure, for the telegrams of this afternoon indicate that nothing of that kind is to be matured. Many will blame one party or another, according to the varying shades of their political opinions, but presently the sober sense of the nation will see and acknowledge that now, as during the past year and a half, there has been but one chief obstacle in the way of a speedy, just, and prosperous reconstruction, and that is a Tylerized Executive. [Applause.] It was believed during the military conflict that the surrender of the Confederate army was necessary to the salvation of the nation; it will be seen a little further on in this delayed reconstruction, that there is no essential difference in Congress of opinion as to principle, but this deadlock comes of having in the way an Executive who is unwilling to serve the interests of the loyal portion of the Union; and as the surrender of Lee was demanded, so will an indignant nation, after patient long suffering, demand the impeachment and deposition of Andrew Johnson. [Applause.]Mrs. Stanton was then introduced, and said:Ladies and Gentlemen: I shall address you this evening on the subject of reconstruction. Reconstruction begins at home. The President of the United States, in his veto of the District of Columbia Suffrage bill, says: "It hardly seems consistent with the principles of right and justice for Representatives from States where the colored man is denied the right of suffrage, or holds it on property or educational qualifications, to press on the people of the District an experiment their own constituents have thus far been unwilling to try for themselves." Charles Sumner, the Radical Senator from Massachusetts, expresses the same opinion. In the debate on the Nebraska bill, he says: "When we demand equal rights in the South, it seems hardly consistent for us to admit any new States into the Union with constitutions disfranchising any of their citizens on the ground of color." When two men from such opposite points of view, express the same opinion, it behooves us to weigh well their words. Every thoughtful person must see that Northern Representatives are in no condition to reconstruct the Rebel States so long as their own constituents are not purged of all invidious distinctions among their citizens. The fountain rises no higher than its source. Never can New-York press on South Carolina a civilization she has never tried herself. But, say you, we can coerce the Southern States to do what we have no right to press on the loyal States. But has not each State the right to amend her own Constitution and to establish a genuine Republic within her own borders? Let each man mend one, says the old proverb, and the world is mended. Let each State bring its own Constitution into harmony with the Federal Constitution, and the Union is a Republic. Would you press impartial suffrage on the South? Recognize it first at home. Would you have Congress to do its duty in the coming session, let the action of every State Legislature teach their representatives what that duty is. Is there anything more rasping to a proud spirit than to be rebuked for short comings by those who are themselves guilty of the grossest violations of right and justice? Does the North consider it absurd for its women to vote and hold office? So views the South her negroes. Does the North consider its women a part of the family to be represented by the white male citizen? So views the South her negroes. Example is better than precept. Would New-York, now that she has the opportunity to amend her own Constitution, take the lead by making herself a genuine Republic with what power our representatives could press on the people of the South one example. The work of this hour is a broader one than the reconstruction of the Rebel States! It is the lifting of the entire nation into higher ideas of right and justice. It is the realization of what the world has never yet seen, a genuine Republic. "Universal suffrage," says Lamartine, "is the first truth and only basis of every national Republic." "The ballot," says Senator Sumner, "is the columbiad of our political power, and every citizen who has it is a full armed monitor." It is in no narrow and selfish or captious spirit that we at this hour press woman's claim to the ballot, but that we may thus end all class and caste legislation which forsakes the Republican idea and sets a false example to the nations of the earth. In this prolonged unsettlement of the country, I see in a wise Providence that these people may have time to adopt fundamental principles of government, that when we do again crystallize into any form, it may be upon a foundation that will stand forever and ever. As in the war, freedom is the key-note of victory; so, now, universal suffrage is the key-note of reconstruction. The essential element of government is equality; an idea that came not to bring peace on earth but a sword; an idea at war with its antagonist, caste or class; from the beginning, one ceaseless protest of the human soul against all authority of oppression, against all inequalities of rank, against despotisms, and monarchies and slaveholding Republics. In the panorama of the past, behold the mighty nations that have risen one by one; but all fell. Behold their gorgeous places, broad temples, pyramids, and thrones, all crumbled together to dust. Every crowned head in Europe, at this very hour, trembles upon his throne. And see upon this Western continent, the people divided, distracted, our leaders fallen, our scouts lost in the wilderness, our once inspired prophets blind and dumb. Why have the mighty fallen? Why have these nations of the earth perished one by one? Equality, the vital principle of national life was wanting in all alike. What sound health is to the physical man, equality is the government. There is no life or peace possible without it. Taking the suggestions of the President and Senator Sumner, let us, citizens of New-York, see what we have to do at home. It is especially fitting that we should do this work of self-examination now, as we are soon to hold a Constitutional Convention to frame the fundamental laws that are to govern us for the next twenty years. Upon the whole people of the State rests the responsibility of saying that this Convention shall properly be composed, and properly represent every class in it. When we amend the Constitution, let us so amend it as to make all our citizens equal before the law. Many of the ablest men in the country, both Democrats and Abolitionists, have given it as their opinion that, in the revision of the State Constitution, the State is for the time being resolved into its original elements; that all the people, the disfranchised classes, as well as those already included in the suffrage, have an equal right to be delegates to such a convention. A State Constitution must originate with or be assented to by a majority of the people. There is nothing in our Constitution to prevent the black man from voting for a delegate, or being elected as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention. There is no reason why the Legislature should not enact that all the people of the State shall be represented in the coming Convention. The Legislatures of 1801 and of 1821, at which time all men voted upon a property qualification, set aside this qualification, and permitted all men, both black and white, rich and poor, to vote for delegates to the Constitutional Conventions of 1801 and of 1821. And they did more still. They decreed that they should be eligible also to seats in the Convention which was to frame the fundamental law of the State. While they could not vote at any of the general elections, they were permitted to vote for delegates to the Constitutional Convention, the Convention which by the framing of its organic law had in its hands the creation of Governors, Senators, and Assemblymen. While they could not vote directly for Governors, Senators, or Assemblymen, they could vote to create a Constitution that was to regulate all these classes of citizens. In deciding to hold a Constitutional Convention once in 20 years it was supposed that in that time, in this age of progress, the people would demand some onward step in legislation. After 67 years of growth, and of free and universal discussion of individual rights, what is the onward step that we to-day propose to take? In 1801 it was admitted that all men should vote. In 1867 we have waked up to the fact that women, too, are people of the State; and the demand to-day is, that in the revision of the State Constitution, the women of the State shall also be represented, or shall at least be permitted to vote for delegates to the Convention. If we are to be represented by white male citizens only, we at least have a right to choose who those white male citizens shall be. [Applause.] Some tell us that this is not the time for woman to make the demand; that this is the negro's hour. No, my friends, we have a broader question than either on hand to-day. This is the Nation's hour. This is the hour to settle what are the rights of a citizen of the Republic; and upon the right settlement of that question depends the life of this nation. The women are wide awake, and are now looking over your laws, and in self defense you must at once get out an expurgated edition of all your codes and constitutions, lest the women impeach the whole of you. [Laughter and applause.] The great difficulty in my mind in the way of impeaching the President, is in finding clean hands to do the work. [Applause.] Wendell Phillips tells us that our safety lies in impeaching the President. He tell us too that this is a "swindling Congress;" and perhaps upon the principle that it takes a rogue to catch a rogue, we may safely follow his advice and set a swindling Congress on the heels of a usurping President. [Applause.] I read over very carefully the bill of indictment brought out in this house about two months ago, by Gen. Butler, against the President. I read it over carefully, one count at time, and I sat down and with my pen I made out precisely such a bill of indictment against the white male citizens of this country. If you will look over our Declaration of Independence you will find in it that our fathers had eighteen grievances against old King George. I was counting up the grievances of the women the other day, and I find that we have just eighteen, too. [Laughter.] The only classes in this country that are fit for this work of impeaching the President are the women and the negroes, for they are the only classes in the country innocent of either executive or legislative usurpation. [Applause.] In order fully to understand the assumption of the white male citizen of this State, let us glance at the Constitution. It opens grandly. "We, the people of this State, grateful to Almighty God for our freedom, in order to secure its blessings, do establish this Constitution." Art. 1 Sec. 1. "No member of this State shall be disfranchised, or deprived of any of the rights secured to any citizen thereof, unless by the law of the land or the judgment of his peers." "We, the people of this State!" Then the white male citizen goes on after this grand declaration--so grand that if he had left the Constitution just there it would have needed no mending for all time--but unfortunately in that one grand burst of eloquence he exhausted all his magnanimity and generosity, and he turned over to the next leaf, and there wrote the second article disfranchising all the women, and all the negroes not worth $250?--seven-twelfths of all the people in the State! Having thus cleared the deck, he proudly walks up and down, and says, "We, the people of this State!" Why did he not say, "We, the white male citizens of the State, grateful to Almighty God for our freedom, in order to secure its blessings to ourselves, do establish this Constitution." [Laughter.] If he had done that, he would have made it a consistent thing. Now I am very desirous, men of New-York, that in 1867 our Constitution should be made a consistent thing, for, as I am the mother of half-a-dozen men in the State of New-York, I am unwilling to have the next generation look back on this generation and say, "Were these men in 1867 a set of addle-pated fools? Did they not understand the meaning of language that in one article they should make this grand, broad, liberal, comprehensive enunciation, and in the very next article have a flat contradiction of the first?" Now, if the common saying be true, that the men are what the mothers made them, you see all the reproach will fall upon the women of the State of New-York. [Laughter and applause.] We shall be blamed for all of your inconsistencies and your absurdities. So I have a selfish interest in desiring that you shall make your Constitution a consistent thing. The disfranchisement of any class of citizens is in direct violation of Art. I: "No member of this State shall be disfranchised or deprived of any of the rights or privileges secured to any citizen thereby, unless by the law of the land or the judgment of his peers." Surely, women and negroes are people, and however weak and insignificant, we are "members of the State." The law of the land is equality. The question of our disfranchisement has never been submitted to the judgment of our peers. The white male who so pompously parades himself in all our grades and stations does not recognize women and negroes as his equals; therefore, his judgment in our case amounts to nothing; and, on the other hand, women and negroes, constituting a majority of the people of the State, do not recognize the white male citizen as their rightful ruler. [Applause.] On the Republican theory that the majority governs, what is to become of the white male when the woman wakes up? [Laughter.]The consternation which some men manifest at the bare mention of woman's rights makes me think of an anecdote that I read the other day of Jeff. Davis. An emblem had been designed for the capital of South Carolina, and Mr. Davis's opinion was asked upon it. The North was represented by various mechanical emblems, and the South by a cotton bale, with a negro curled on it and fast asleep. The moment his eye lighted on that said he, "that will never do. What will become of the South when the negro wakes up?" [Laughter and applause.] You may well ask what is to become of the white male when the woman wakes up. Already behold him the target for all the gibes and jeers of the nation. Everybody is repudiating him, everybody is pointing at him the slow, unwavering finger of scorn. He is bayoneted [sic] in Congress; he is bayoneted [sic] in all our State Legislatures. On the one side the Republicans and Abolitionists stab him on the ground of his color; on the other side, the Democrats and women stab him on the ground of his sex. I begin to have serious fears lest the white male shall be driven from the Continent and we shall be in the condition of the poor old Irish woman I saw out West during the war. Said I, "Bridget how are you getting on?" "Oh," says she, "Madam, not at all, Bad enough. My husband has gone to the war; my sons have gone to the war, and all the boys in the neighborhood have gone to the war, and we are nothing but a colony of women and children. Oh madam," said she, with great pathos in her voice, "would not this be a lonesome world without any men in it?" "Yes," said I, "Bridget I think it would." [Great laughter and applause.] But to return to the Constitution. The second article of the Constitution is a very interesting text just now, and I want to call the attention of all the women of the State to the second section of the second article of the Constitution of this State, it is so very complimentary to the women. In this second article you exclude from representation all women and negroes not worth $250, and then you go on to tell us what other persons shall not exercise the right of suffrage. Laws may be passed excluding from the right of suffrage all persons who have been or may be convicted of bribery, larceny, or any infamous crime, or depriving any person who shall make, or become interested directly or indirectly in any bet or wager depending upon the result of any election, from the right to vote at such election. And, moreover, for the crime of treason, deemed the highest crime, you have disfranchised the leaders of the late Rebellion, thus admitting there is no severer penalty to be visited upon any citizen than disfranchisement. How humiliating for respectable, law-abiding women; and black men not worth $250, to be thrown outside of political consideration, with traitors, with those convicted of bribery, larceny and infamous crimes, and, worse, than all, with those who bet on elections [laughter and applause]--for how lost to all sense of honor must that white male citizen be who publicly violates a wise law to which he has himself given an intelligent consent. Gentlemen, I for one am ashamed of my company. I do not know how the rest of the women of the State feel, but I am ashamed to find myself in such a category as this. [Applause.] The Mahommedan forbids a fool, a madman, or a woman to call the hours for prayer. If it were not for the invidious classification, we might think it were tenderness rather than contempt which moved the Mahommedan thus to excuse our sex from such hard duty; but for the ballot which falls like a flake of snow upon the seed, there is no such excuse for New-York legislators. Section third of article second is equally interesting, and should be carefully read and considered by the women of the State, as it shows the modes of life and the surroundings of some of this privileged order of white male citizens. For the purpose of voting, says that section, no person shall be deemed to have gained or lost a residence by reason of his presence or absence while employed in the service of the United States or while engaged in the navigation of the waters of this State, or of the United States, or of the high seas, nor while a student of any seminary of learning, nor while kept at any almshouse. The gentleman who stood in this place last week (Mr. Beecher) expressed a good deal of sympathy because the poor pauper was denied the right to vote. I would recommend to him a fresh reading of his Constitution. The poor white pauper is protected. There is no shade, or class, or degree of the privileged order that is not protected in his right to suffrage; "nor while kept at any almshouse or other asylum at public expense." Women of New-York, those of us who are taxed to support the pauper in the almshouse, remember we support him that he may go to the polls and vote while we are denied the right, though we are taxed to support the State. "Nor while kept at any almshouse or other asylum at public expense, nor while confined in any public jail or prison." What an unspeakable privilege to them, that precious jewel, the human soul, in a setting of white manhood; that thus it can pass through the almshouse, the asylum, the public prison and the muddy waters of the Erie Canal, and come forth undimmed to appear at the ballot-box at the earliest opportunity, there to bury its moral and physical deformities, its crimes--all beneath the rights and privileges of a citizen of the Republic. Just imagine the motley crew from all these places, from the ten thousand dens of infamy and vice in our cities, cringing, limping, staggering up to the polls, while the loyal mothers of a million of soldiers whose bones lie bleaching on every Southern plain, stand outside, sad and silent witnesses of this wholesale disgrace of Republican institutions. [Applause.] I for one am not willing thus to be represented. I am not willing to trust the interests of women to such voters as section third article of second welcomes to the polls. I claim to understand the interests of this nation better, the interests of woman better than yonder pauper in your almshouse, or the graduate from your asylum or public prison, or the young popinjay of 21, or the traveler on the tow-path of your Erie Canal. [Applause.] Do you think, gentlemen, that it is claiming too much for the educated women of the State of New-York. Why we know more and are better fitted to vote on our own interests and the interests of this nation than one-half of the lower strata of your white manhood. [Applause.] Now why is it that the rights of every type of white manhood are so securely protected, while no safeguards are thrown around those of women? Simply because he holds the ballot. That is the secret of his safety, and that is the reason why to-day I demand the ballot. It is necessary for the protection and elevation of woman. Shall Senators tell me in their places that I have no need of the ballot when 40,000 women in the City of New-York alone are earning their daily bread at starving prices with the needle, and below these, in the lower depths, are a mighty multitude over whose follies and crimes society draws the vail [sic] of forgetfulness, or before that inscrutable problem stands hardened and appalled. You are legislating on our several evils. I have read over many of the articles in your public journals, but they fail to touch the secret of the difficulty. Give woman work, give her wages, open to her your colleges--all the profitable and honorable posts of life--and you will settle that problem much sooner to the satisfaction than you possibly can by your one-sided legislation. I tell you, my brothers, that it is too big a problem for you to settle alone. You need the help of the virtuous and educated women of this nation to help you settle theses social evils. But to return to the Constitution, you will find that even the black man finds greater favor in the eye of our lawmakers than the daughters of the State. If he owns real estate to the amount of $250, he may vote, but woman cannot vote, though she owns a township; and if the colored man does not own $250, he is not taxed. By the letter of your Constitution he may live in the quiet possession of $240 worth of real estate and any amount of personal property, and yet not be taxed one cent, while you send your tax-gatherer around to the poorest widow who owns a homestead. Our pilgrim fathers a century ago taught us to say taxation without representation is tyranny, resistance to tyranny is obedience to God. Following out the logic, I find there are some women all over the country refusing to pay taxes. I heard of one widow out West who did not pay taxes for five years, and I was curious to know how she got rid of it, and one day called to see her to hear all about it. She told me that when the tax-gatherer came she first locked her garden implements and other things up in the woodhouse; then shut and locked the lower part of her house, and went up stairs, put her head out of the window, and talked to him like a parson. Kind friends always notified her of his coming, and she was always prepared for him, and he was generally glad to go away. [Laughter.] I saw the tax-gatherer soon after, and asked him how he got on with the widow up in Genessee-st., and he replied: "The fact is, she has made me so ashamed of myself, I pay her taxes myself." Now, I do not know who your tax-gatherers are here in Brooklyn, but I would suggest to you from the known chivalry of the men of the State of New-York, I have no doubt they will do the same thing for you if you only try a little of this healthy revolutionary thunder. One thing is certain if the white male does all the voting he should in justice pay all the taxes. There is no logic so powerful as a direct appeal to a man's pocket. If you claim that we are virtually represented by the white male citizen, I will give you the opinion of James Otis, who says: "There is no such phrase as virtual representation known to the law or Constitution." It is altogether a subtlety and illusion, wholly unfounded and absurd. While the Republicans are fighting for the negro the Democrats have undertaken the cause of the woman, and I have no doubt that with their aid we shall come out triumphant in the end. South Carolina and Georgia would hardly be satisfied with representation in the Senate by Senators from Massachusetts. Neither are women satisfied with representation unsanctioned by her. A gentleman told me the other day that it was infinitely more important to-day to settle the negro question, lest he should bring on bloody revolution and deluge this land again in sorrow, suffering, and death. But is not the condition of woman to-day one that equally calls for settlement? To women you have closed your colleges, and all the avenues to remunerating employment, and now woman revenges herself. If the women of the State could only be galvanized into a consciousness of their true position, no longer would crimes, so often incited by women, fill our prisons. All these wrongs we see on every side are subjects of legislation, to be voted up or voted down. If women knew what they could do with the ballot, none of them would say they did not care to vote. We may make our homes beautiful, but our children must go out at some time into the outer world; and has the mother no interest in plucking the thorns from the path which their young feet must so soon tread? I am not willing to trust our legislative interests wholly to man. Man is the representative of justice and the woman of mercy. We want the mother's love in the outer world as well as in the home. I demand the ballot for woman, not only because it is her right, but her necessity. A disfranchised class is always a degraded class. Look at England, where there is a political aristocracy which grinds the masses to powder. John Bright [applause] demanding the ballot for the lower classes there, shows that he understands its power in transforming beasts of burden into full-grown men. I listened to Mr. Beecher with great pleasure a week ago, and liked everything he said except the closing sentiment, in which he declared with a pious resignation that he did not expect to see what he advocated in his day. "It is remarkable," says Dean Swift, "with what patience and fortitude men can bear the misfortunes of others." [Laughter and applause.] Mr. Beecher we may hope and expect yet to live a quarter of a century; and I am hardly willing to wait for the close of Mr. Beecher's life for that for which I have been waiting for 30 years. Charles Sumner tells u that the moment women decide they will vote they will vote. Women have decided to vote in New-York this year, and I see no reason why they should not. Women everywhere are throwing off the shackles of ages, and in New-York, which is ahead of other States in so many respects, it is to be expected that we shall take the lead in allowing to woman that position of political equality which is rightfully hers. Our legislators act upon the false idea of the old common law, that the husband and wife are one, and that one the husband. Reason and common sense alone teach us that the true interests of man and woman in the nature of things are identical, and that there can be no real antagonism in sex. This is the new idea of our day, not that woman shall become man, or take from him one jot of power or honor, but that in her elevation and affliction he shall be made whole, crowned with new honor, power, and glory such as he could never know in the degradation of one-half of the sex. We have tried to oneness of subordination, and found it productive of uniform and settled discontent in the end, and danger to the State; for as the nation is based on the family discord, in the primal relations breeds discord in every department of life. It is as absurd to say that man is always the head of the family, as that the nominal ruler of the nation moves the machinery of government. Many a woman has made as great a blunder in selecting a husband as we made in choosing a President, and there may be the same necessity of overriding authority in both cases. [Applause.] The command "wives obey your husbands," is no more binding than "honor the king." In the face of one our Revolutionary fathers defied King George, pitched his tea-chests into the sea, and declared all men equal: and, in the face of the other, the daughters of the Pilgrims to-day repudiate the authority of sex and demand equality in the church, the home, everywhere. Fear not, ye of little faith. Woman is held in her sphere by the same immutable law which holds the fish in the sea, the bird in the air and the planet in its prescribed orbit; and, after these false customs are all swept away, woman will rise up in her native strength and dignity, and be woman still. We are counterparts of one another, equal human beings in the universe, made in the image of God, male and female; and when we shall be reunited under better conditions, earth will become a paradise of peace, and the dark clouds that now spread over all our efforts at readjustment will be rolled back by the rising sun of a higher civilization. Mrs. Stanton narrated the story of the choice made by the Greeks of a statue for their temple. Two statues were presented for their selection--one a huge figure, without grace of form or beauty of expression, a Hercules, while the other was the perfection of grace and beauty in outline and expression. The people, with one acclaim, chose the beautiful statue, but when it was elevated to its hight [sic] on the temple, its beauty had vanished, and only a shapeless ball appeared. It was removed and the other was placed in its position. As it rose the imperfections which had before been noticed disappeared, and when it reached the hight [sic] for which it was intended, the people saw a perfect and beautiful figure. The woman of the nineteenth century is the shapeless ball. Man, the sculptor, has carved out his ideal, the approaching thousands welcome his success, a being without rights, without hopes or fears, but from his standpoint fair and beautiful. We have bowed down and worshipped delicacy, refinement and loveliness in woman. All well when viewed as an object of sight never to rise one foot above the dust from which she sprang, but if she is to be raised up to adorn a temple or represent a divinity, to be the mother of a mighty nation, for a counselor to brave and honorable men, the educator of a race of moral heroes, then the type you have designed is far too small. The club houses in all your cities are so many testimonials of the folly and vacuity of women. And the long line of pensioners upon your bounty, the 10,000 young girls taught to believe that marriage is the only legitimate pursuit of life, the gay and fashionable throng, brought by a sudden turn of the wheel of fortune to stand face to face with the stern realities of life--remember that it is from these classes that vice recruits for her palsied ranks, and in which she finds her most helpless victims. The woman we declare to you, is the rough, misshapen image of the artist; rough and uncouth from the standpoint you occupy. But have not those whom you call strong-minded women, kept one steady onward course in the paths of knowledge, virtue, and peace? Will you help us to raise up the image that we declare unto you, that you may see its beautiful proportions fit to adorn your temple of Liberty? We are building a model republic, which our fathers formed, and which will one day have its crowning glory. Let the artists be wisely chosen. Let them to-day begin their work. The sun never yet shone upon any creation of man which could be compared with this. There is our temple of Liberty upon whose portals we may behold the grand declaration, that all men are created equal. The artist who can mold a statue worthy to crown such magnificence, must be grand in its conceptions, sublimely beautiful in his power of execution. The woman, the crowning glory of the model republic among the nations of the earth, what must she needs be? [Applause.]The AnniversariesStaffNew York TimesThe Anniversaries.The Equal Rights Convention--The Universal Peace Society--The American Bible Society--Institution for the Deaf and Dumb--American and Foreign Christian Union and the Congregational Union.The Equal Rights Association.The American Equal Rights Association held its first anniversary at the Church of the Puritans yesterday morning and evening. The proceedings were presided over by Mr. Robert Purvis, of Philadelphia.THE MORNING SESSION was well attended, the audience for the most part being composed of ladies.SPEECH OF MR. PURVIS.On being introduced by Susan B. Anthony, Mr. Purvis commenced his remarks by alluding to the comprehensive work of freedom, and congratulated the audience on the rapid progress which had been made in the cause of equal rights. In his view the true idea of a Republican Government was the equal rights of all, without regard to sex. The speaker then referred in general terms to the nature of the work to be accomplished, and closed by stating that the principles in detail of the Association would be explained by the speakers who were to follow him. At this juncture Lucretia Mott ascended the platform, and was greeted with the customary manifestations of approval.SPEECH OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY.Miss Anthony was the next speaker. She said that although the President had called upon her for a statement of the condition of the Society, she had not been able, in consequence of other duties, to prepare a written account. Within the year contributions amounting to $4,714 had been received, but all this had been expended in the advancement of the cause. The work had become so great that they found it difficult with their present limited means to carry it thoroughly forward. The speaker next spoke of the efforts of Lucy Stone Blackwell and her husband, who were traveling through Kansas in ox-carts and other rude conveyances, for the sake of enlightening the people on the subject of equal rights. The people of Kansas were not satisfied with two agents, but desired eight or ten more possessed of able lecturing talent. They also wanted to incite sufficient interest to warrant the holding of a State Convention. The speaker closed by appealing to those present to aid in the advancement of the cause.Mrs. Lucretia Mott remarked that the verbal report was very interesting; and would doubtless do quite as much good as a written statement. She apologized, on account of advanced age and pressing duties to attend to, for not being better informed as to what had been already achieved by the Association, and expressed her readiness to yield the chair to Mr. Purvis. She mentioned particularly that the Association was in great need of a newspaper as an organ to represent and promulgate its principles.RESOLUTIONS.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton then came forward and read the following resolutions, which were adopted by the meeting:Resolved, That government, of all sciences, is that most exalted and comprehensive, including, as it does, all the political, commercial, religious, educational and social interests of the race.Resolved, That to speak of the ballot as an article of merchandise, and of the science of government as the "muddy pool of politics," is most demoralizing to a nation based on universal suffrage.At the conclusion of the reading, an aged colored woman, well known as Sojourner Truth, took a seat on the platform. Her independent demeanor was the cause of some merriment and much evident satisfaction to the audience.SPEECH OF MRS. STANTON.Mrs. Stanton held that the friends of their cause regarded the right of women to vote a sacred one. They had no special claims to make for women or for the colored race, but the arguments which they put forth were embodied in the sentiments of John Bright on reform, and could be found in the recent liberation act of the Emperor of Brazil. They were now masters of the situation, and universal suffrage was the key-note of reconstruction. The people of this country had a more important work to perform than to save the Republican Party. The holy question of individual rights has to be settled. The principles of inequality in the system of government had been tried and had proved a failure. It was useless to make a government on that basis. Statesmanship, of all sciences, was the most exalted, and it was the duty of every citizen to regard the principles of self-government as sacred. By giving woman the privilege of voting we inspire her with new honors, objects and aims, and her influence would exalt and purify the world of politics. To many minds the ballot suggested a crowd of rough men elbowing their way to the polls and dropping a small piece of paper into a box. In this act, however, we behold the great idea of self-government, and that piece of paper is the symbol of education, refinement, civilization and power. What could people be thinking of when they made merchandise of a power so potent as the ballot? Politics was to be lifted up into the world of religion and morals. We should not, like the foolish prodigal, waste our substance in riotous living. It was enough to make all good citizens blush for shame to read the accounts of acts of theft, robbery and violence which were daily committed in our City. It was not in Wall-street only that gambling was practiced, but the same depraved spirit was exhibited in Congress and the halls of justice. There was "something rotten in Denmark." Said Alexander Hamilton, "give a man a right over my subsistence and he has a right over my whole moral being." Virtue and independence go hand in hand. Here the speaker referred to the bill introduced into the State Legislature last Winter to license houses of prostitution, and characterized the measure as a disgrace to the age. Give woman honorable work and pay her for it, and she will find out for herself where her sphere is. It was necessary to remove every obstacle in the way of woman's elevation if we would have the right kind of men to rule the nation. In alluding to the condition of the black man, the speaker said that as a slave he was given to lying and stealing for he had no rights which the whites were bound to respect. Now he has a chance for fair dealing with others, and even Gov. Ore, of South Carolina, had spent time in reasoning with him. Woman, however, is considered as entitled to no rights. She has no purse of her own. She makes bills at the milliner's; the bills are sent to the husband, who grumbles at the amount; a lawsuit follows and the matter goes into the Courts to furnish laughter and jeers to the lawyers. The numbers of ice-creams she has eaten in one week are made known and published to the world. And to all this woman is called upon to submit. Mrs. Stanton next touched upon the bribery and corruption which men seem to have seized upon with relentless vigor. These things would be changed when women had a right to vote and a voice in the Legislature. Inequality of rights was the last stronghold of aristocracy in this country. It was a consolation to barbers, bootblacks and other similar classes to know that although women can write books, speak in public and fill elevated social positions, she cannot vote. There were no people so degraded as the women of the Northern States. In England they have far more privileges than they have here, and in the Southern States they show a pluck which it is impossible to find among the doughfaces at the North. Here women of wealth and refinement were hung and not allowed to choose a jury. The ignorant have always looked with suspicion upon innovation, but it was in the elevation of woman that we were to look for true manhood and womanhood. The speaker then paid a handsome tribute to her associates on the platform for the zeal they had manifested in behalf of the cause, and finished her address by declaring that to woman it was given to save the Republic, and expressing a hope that women would be placed on an even platform by the side of men.MORE RESOLUTIONS.The following resolutions were read by Susan B. Anthony:Resolved, That as republican institutions are based on individual rights, the first question for the American people to determine is not the rights of races or of sex, but the rights of individuals.Resolved, That the present claim for manhood suffrage, sugar-coated with the words "equal," "impartial," "universal," &c., &c., is a fraud, calculated, if not designed to mislead the honest friends of freedom, both North and South, and cheat them into the acceptance of a measure which changes only the form of despotic power, while it leaves its spirit essentially unchecked and unrebuked.Resolved, That the proposal to reconstruct our Government on the basis of mere manhood suffrage, which emanated from the Republican Party and has received the sanction of the American Anti-Slavery Society, is but a continuation of the old system of class and caste legislation, always cruel and proscriptive in itself, and ending in all ages in national degradation, turmoil, and bloody revolution.Mrs. Mott next explained that, as the funds of the Association were exhausted, it would be well to take up a subscription. On her motion a Finance Committee was appointed to attend to that duty.SPEECH OF SAMUEL J. MAY.Mr. May, on being introduced, said it could not be expected that a Government would be well conducted when only one-half of the people were represented. He advocated the policy of making the Constitution of the United States a study in the schools for the benefit of girls as well as boys. No one could doubt that woman was essentially the same sort of being as man, and governed by the same laws. If allowed to participate in the political affairs of the country they would not be the subject of mere passion. The question of reconstruction was before us, and the speaker hoped the country would be reconstructed on a true basis. There was no better model for a Government than the divine model of a family, and in a family the mother exerted the most effectual influence. Men were not governed by a fear of punishment, but by a strong manifestation of right. The speaker concluded by pointing out the salutary effect which equal suffrage would have on both Church and State.The next speaker was the colored woman, Sojourner Truth. She appealed in behalf of her race, whom she said had not yet obtained full liberty. The root and branch of slavery must be destroyed, and then the colored people could fill important places. If she had to account for the deeds done in her body, then she had equal rights with man. At present the colored men were getting rights, but nobody cared for the colored women. The men might treat the women just as badly as before. The matter should be kept stirring till affairs were right; if the engine were stopped now it would be hard work to get it running again. The speaker then depicted a scene in which the woman goes out to do washing, returns home, and is met by her husband, who demands her wages, which he expends in dissipation. She also argued the right of women to sit on jury, and thought that men had no right to be in places where women could not properly be admitted. She stated her age to be 80 years, during half of which period she had been a slave. Now that colored men had received the right to vote, she wanted the same privilege given to the colored women. Let equal rights come and women would be capable of standing without being propped up. She ended her effort with a song. At the suggestion of the Chairman, the Finance Committee passed among the audience for the purpose of receiving contributions and subscriptions, the object being, as stated, to send ten agents and 100,000 tracts to Kansas and other Western States to influence the elections in favor of equal rights.The meeting was then addressed by Mr. Charles C. Burley, Mrs. Francis D. Gage and Mrs. Mott, after which the proceedings were adjourned till evening.THE EVENING SESSIONAt 7:30 o'clock, the hour appointed for assembling, Mrs. Mott called the meeting to order, announcing that she liked punctuality.The first speaker was Mr. Mosre, who took the broad and familiar ground that Governments should be conducted according to the consent of the Governed. There was a time perhaps when it would not have been proper to consider the colored people as citizens, but that time had now passed away, and our Republican form of Government demanded that at this time we should confer on the colored citizens the right of suffrage. In speaking of the Congressional act increasing the salaries of male clerks in the Departments, Mr. Mosre said it was with great difficulty that the female clerks could receive a like favor.Mr. Parker Pillsbury was next introduced. He prefaced his remarks by reading a series of resolutions bearing on the points he proposed to speak upon. He then reviewed in brief the chronology of the world, and stated that it would be an interesting study to trace the organization and progress of governments from remote periods. He spoke of the reign of the First Napoleon as an earthquake which lasted fifteen years, and alluded to the earlier reign of William of Normandy in England, connecting with his narrative an account of the system of taxation and oppression. We had been told that the heavy tax in England was the chain that kept the Government together. The bread riots and trade strikes could be looked upon as results of oppressive taxation. If seventy years was the life of man, what was the length of life of a nation? Not one nation as yet had reached manhood. To-day, as a nation and Government, the United States was distracted, divided, and weighed down with financial responsibilities. The President's weakness was only equaled by his wickedness, the Secretary of State was his willing coadjuator [coadjudicator?], and the Senate did not dare to impeach the one or remove the other. We had had enough of this system of Government, and it was time to demand a change, and it was the object of the Association to embody in that change the right of universal suffrage, without regard to sex or color. It was proposed to place refined, intelligent, loyal, patriotic women on the same footing, as far as suffrage is concerned, with the scullions who groom our horses and clean our pots. There were many wise men who did not consider that in giving the right of suffrage to women they were only restoring that which they had withheld by force. We all had our inalienable rights, springing from the same source, and no man was born with three ballots, one of which he might use to his own advantage, while the other two he might distribute to the African and woman, as suited his convenience. To be sure, women might not vote wisely the first time. She might even reelect John Morrissey to Congress, when both Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Horace Greeley were in the field. Men often fail in their efforts. After all, universal suffrage was a question of justice, and on that ground he would place it before the people.Miss Susan B. Anthony here made an appeal similar to that made at the morning session, for funds to achieve success in the Kansas and Wisconsin elections.The next speaker was Miss Ernestine L. Rose. She was confident that if the Association were possessed of $1,000,000 there would be no necessity of making a single speech to secure the elective franchise for women. The Legislature would doubtless yield to the potent influence of money. But if they did not have a million dollars, they had a million voices. We had been told that it was not good for man to be alone. If it was not good for him to be alone in the garden of Eden he should not be alone at the ballot-box. What would man have been had not mother Eve given him a taste of the tree of knowledge. The white women, black women and black men were in the majority of this country, and while members of Congress advocate justice to the black men they dare not give justice to the women. Chase, Sumner and Stevens, the speaker would look upon as hypocrites in their positions if they refused to favor woman suffrage. Woman is imprisoned and hung, but she has no voice in making the laws that punish her. She is taxed but has no voice in making the laws. This was not justice. The Legislature had considered the expedience of enacting a law against a "social evil." To prevent the "social evil" we must commence at the nursery. The evil applied to men as well as women, and the remedy sought should be applied to both. Give woman the right of suffrage and she would soon create a new state of morals.Major Haggerty was next introduced. He spoke of the change that had been brought about in politics, and the progressive strides that had been made by the Anti-Slavery party. The Major identified himself with the efforts of the Association, and acknowledged that he had been persuaded to do so by the force of logic.Mrs. Frances D. Gage followed. The first point she considered was intemperance. It had been stated by a prominent defender of the liquor traffic that the Saxon blood required a stimulus. Were that the case, why were not refined women then in the grogshops? She next passed to the work that had been accomplished by woman, and spoke of the advantages to be secured to society by giving the right of suffrage to her sex.At the conclusion of Mrs. Gage's address, the meeting adjourned to meet again to-day, at the same place, at 10 A.M. and 7 1/2 P.M.The Hearing Before the Female Suffrage Committee--Addresses by Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony.StaffNew York TribuneThe Hearing Before the Female Suffrage Committee--Addresses by Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony.A very large audience assembled at the Capitol to listen to the advocates of Female Suffrage. Mr. Greeley, as Chairman of the Suffrage Committee, presided. He said that the Convention was waiting for the report of the Suffrage Committee, and they wished to give the friends of Universal Suffrage a hearing before reporting.He introduced Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who said: She came to impress upon the Convention the importance of giving the ballot to women for several reasons.First: Because of its national effect. Reconstruction begins at home. How shall New-York reconstruct South Carolina until she first purge herself? Does the North consider women unfit to vote? So the South did negroes. In this prolonged unsettlement of the country she saw a wise Providence that gave us time to debate the fundamental laws of the State. As in the war freedom was the key-note of victory, so Universal Suffrage is the cornerstone of Reconstruction.Second: The ballot should be extended in order that the Constitution may become consistent with itself. It opens grandly, We the people. On it second page the words male citizens disfranchise half the people, and the word colored adds another twelfth part to the disfranchised class. You do injustice to woman. You do not disfranchise the negro worth $250, but you tax the poor widow and give her no vote. You exempt $1,500 of a clergyman's property, but if he dies you tax his widow for it.Third: Justice to woman demands the change. Taxation without Representation is tyranny, and resistance to tyrants is obedience to God. Woman here refusing to pay any more taxes would act in accordance with this healthy revolutionary sentiment. Taxation without the consent of the taxed disfranchises of every political right. Woman revenges herself for this neglect. Every den of vice that allures your sons and mine from purity proves this. The horrid tragedy on your streets and the vacant seat in your body proves this. Four thousand times 4,000,000 black men could not so sap the strength of the nation as woman is doing now. She asked it because the disfranchised class is always a degraded class. Look at England. With the ballot in her hands, a new type of manhood would soon be established. Look at our own country. If you had given the ballot to the black man in 1776, would we have had our late baptism in blood? The negro belonged to the disfranchised class, hence his present position. Woman is disfranchised, and hence degraded from her proper position. The ballot is a power in man's hand, and would be so in woman's. There is a connection between bread and the ballot. Give women a vote and her small salary will be increased. Would not a father rather have his daughter in post-office at 2,000 a year than running a sewing-machine in a garret with all its temptations? There is no place where a woman is more degraded than in the Northern States. In European countries she can hold office. In the Southern States woman has never been compelled to see her coachman or footman going to vote on her behalf. Many say it would produce social revolution. So they said it would if she had her rights of property. Give woman the ballot and the Republican party would be as ready to elevate woman as the negroes of South Carolina. They would send their Kelleys and Wilsons through the land to enlighten them. Woman Suffrage is one of the great ideas of a century which must prevail. The call for Universal Suffrage pervades all Europe, and New-York should not be behind. No question will come before the Convention of more importance. Do not make it a separate question. Let it go linked to the new Constitution. The inalienable right belongs to woman. It is a national and not political right. She simply asks the Convention to permit her to exercise it.Mr. Greeley then introduced Miss Susan B. Anthony. On taking the stand Miss Anthony said she proposed to answer any question that might be asked. In reply to a question from Mr. Greeley she professed her willingness to have men and women indiscriminately drawn upon juries. Mr. Hand of Broome asked whether in case of a draft the same rule would apply? She answered unhesitatingly "Yes." She did not believe in war, but they would fight if necessary. [Applause.] A question had been asked as to whether the ballot would be the remedy for women's low wages; she thought it would. In this country only women and negroes are the degraded classes who cannot get the same wages as others. The ballot will dignify woman and elevate her. It has done it already for the negro in Washington City and in Kansas. The ballot will extort from the legislators justice and right. You say the women don't want the ballot. Even if true, this is no reason why they should not have what is their right. The wealthy may not ask for it, but the poor need it. Give her, then, the power of self-protection. She thought female suffrage was the only salvation of the Republican party. This clogs the wheels of reconstruction.Mr. Greeley asked, "When does this inalienable right commence for young men and foreigners? Have we the right to say when it commences?" Miss Anthony answered: "My right as a human being is as good as any other human being. If you have a right to vote at 21 years, then I have. All we ask is that you should let down the bars, and let us women and negroes in, and then we will sit down and talk the matter over." [Loud and prolonged applause.]Mr. Greeley inquired as to the proportion of the women of the State that would be likely to vote.Miss Anthony said the number of petitions already presented would prove that the women have awoke to the importance of the subject, but they need help. Newspapers and public speakers must aid in enlightening the women on this subject. Mr. Greeley said he had understood Mrs. Stanton to say that the laws of our State had been growing more just to women for 20 years past. Had this been caused by the prospect of woman's voting, or have not men done it at the suggestion of their own sense of justice? Mrs. Stanton thought it was owing to the march of civilization as much as to man's justice. Mr. Van Campen thought the laws respecting homesteads, exemption of implements of labor from seizure, and the abolition of imprisonment for debt, came within the same category.Much merriment was caused by a question of Mr. Bickford of Jefferson as to why the women of New-Jersey had surrendered or been deprived of the privileges of the ballot? Mr. Greeley explained that a property qualification was required, which disfranchised many of the women, but it was true that in 1800 the women of New-Jersey had carried the State for John Adams against Jefferson. After that the men took the ballot away from them. [Laughter and applause.]Women's RightsStaffNew York HeraldWomen's RightsGeorge Francis Train and Elizabeth Cady Stanton on the Stump--Greeley and Beecher Demolished--Funny Scenes and Funny Sayings.Peripatetic philosophers from the times of the old Greeks we read of, who went about promulgating their peculiar tenets to throngs of the populace in the public streets, or in sacred groves, or on the house tops, or from the steps of colossal temples, whichever happened to be the most convenient, have never been particularly honored in their day and generation. The people somehow have always had a will of their own, and the wide world has continued to wag its way in consonance with this will, despite the finely spun theorizing of these self-constituted teachers, claiming endowment of higher wisdom and to be ahead of the age in everything connected with the politics, morals, esthetics and progress of the human race. No amount of protestations, of disbelief, no amount of abuse, contumely, ostracism and burnings at the stake has ever sufficed to put these fellows down. They are born of every age, they rant and fume and assert themselves through every age, and every age they go to their graves, leaving behind them little or no trophies of proselytism. The present age is as prolific as any past age of these ranting, fuming and self-asserting philosophers. The elder Disraeli's "Curiosities of Literature" named no such amount of the curious in its specialty as might be written of the curiosities of ranting philosophy. To see this phase of the curious in adult perfection, as developed in the latter part of this nineteenth century, requires attendance only at one meeting and listening to the speeches at that meeting of that interesting trio of modern philosophers, George Francis Train, Mrs. E. Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. These parties held out, or rather held forth, for it was the audience who held out while they held forth, last evening at Steinway Hall. The hall was only about one-third filled below, with a few stragglers or modest lookers-on in the first gallery. Altogether it was a very respectable looking audience, though with a plainly perceptible sprinkling of men long and lank, and thin visaged and long flowing hair and profuse elongation of whiskers and mustaches, emblematical of sympathy with the views of this class of modern reformers; and there were sharp visaged women, too, occupying seats apart from others, and clearly showing that they had the strength of mind, to say nothing of the strength of constitution, to stem the cold and come to the meeting alone. Though the meeting was announced at half-past seven o'clock, half an hour had passed and the speakers had not made their appearance. This time of waiting, however, was made passably endurable, if not altogether as agreeable as some might have wished, by the presence of that continental counterpart of Dr. Franklin, George Washington and other colonial worthies selling photographs of small size of Dickens and of large size of himself, with a pleasantly amiable looking female by his side representing the Goddess of Liberty, by music from the organ and by a nervous, fidgety little man scattering printed slips about the house. These slips were in folio, and after the rather startling announcement, "Clear the track, the train is coming," gave a choice excerpt from the so-called epigrams woven in Mr. Train's speeches on the female suffrage and kindred topics question. These epigrams are in poetry of all kinds of rhythm, from the plainest spondaic to the most difficult anapestic, and afforded choice preliminary reading to the audience--the lighter and appetizing soup to the substantial courses to follow. And now, at eight o'clock, the train did come, having come all the way from Kansas, via Boston. Mr. Train led the oratorical train, consisting of himself, Mmes. Stanton and Anthony, and the rear was made up by two others--the first a very small, plain looking lady in short dress, light brown kids and cheap furs, and the last of the quintet a meagre, gaunt looking youth, of intellectual paleness and wearing eye glasses. Applause, though rather feebly expressed, followed the appearance of this quintet. Mr. Train, he of the dark ambrosial locks, suggestive of unusual capillary wealth for one of his age, ruddy countenance, suggestive of no lectures on temperance, blue dress coat with brass buttons, white vest, ditto cravat and ditto gloves, suggestive of a late vaulting exploit from a bandbox, at once bowed to the audience, and entered on his speech. He walked in speaking, as usual, the whole width of the stage, and his oratorical effort was wholly in his ordinary, wildly declamatory style. As on all occasions, he showed himself oratorically more than a whole train--a train in fact, and a tremendous train at that--engine, tender, baggage and passenger cars all together. He went at it and kept at it with full pressure of steam on, and puffing and panting and wildly whistling he moved on with a momentum he doubtless thinks fearful, but which the wiser world, in its complacent charity, interprets only as intensely dramatic.SPEECH OF GEORGE FRANCIS TRAINAfter a few introductory remarks, Mr. Train made a very severe criticism upon American toadyism to distinguished foreigners. Why, continued he, just look at this question of admission tickets to Dickens' readings. I say Mr. Dolby is interested with Messrs. Jarret & Palmer in the matter of these tickets. How does it happen that Mr. Dickens can come and prowl about here, all the time knowing that he has swindled us on the question of tickets? Through the toadyism of the city of New York, of course. This is not an American city; the only Americans in New York are the Irish. Let me digress further, and tell you that a few bankers, the Rothschilds, the Barings and others, who have been insolvent for the last twenty years, control this city and shamefully impose upon us. What American can go abroad and receive an ovation in England? See what the London Times says about our finances. (Laughter.) And that is why it is that Mr. Dickens is toadied to in this way, although we know that he will go home and write another volume upon the toadyism of the American people. (Laughter.) And let me say to these reporters here that they may work their lives out, and while the editors will give ten columns and a thousand dollars for a despatch [sic] about some pedestrian feat, they won't raise your salary fifty dollars to keep you out of the State Prison. (Immense laughter.) Mr. Train then resumed the narrative of his travels with the equal rights ladies, and said that he had taken his little daughter out buffalo hunting when they had been out together in the West. He then digressed a little (for the first and only time) and gave a sketch of the habits and customs of the untutored Indians, successfully imitating a member of the Cheyenne tribe as he appeared on the war path, and ranging up and down the platform in the crouching and stealthy manner peculiar to the aboriginal Americans. He next said he would recite to the audience a poem he had written upon the summit of the Rocky Mountains, entitled "The History of the World," in nine acts of two lines each. As soon as he had completed this, he said at the last equal rights meeting in New York they had been favored with the presence of Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, who had been paid a hundred dollars for his services, and who had never spoken for them since--because, he supposed, he hadn't been offered pay for it. Mr. Train continued to speak at great length, in a very disconnected and incoherent manner, giving an account of his travels with Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony. In the course of his remarks he stated that he had been nominated for the next Presidency at most of the places where he had spoken. He concluded by saying that Horace Greeley had once called him a charlatan and a mountebank, and he then read an epigram which he had composed in retaliation upon that gentleman.SPEECH OF ELIZABETH CADY STANTONMrs. Stanton, the next speaker, laid off a scarlet died crape shawl and advanced to the front of the stage. She was plainly dressed in black, with a modest lace collar fastened by a small brooch, which comprised all her jewelry on exhibition. She wore white kids, and with her gray short curls dangling from under her cap, short and embonpoint figure and quiet ways, she had a very motherly look. During her speech she stood in the same place, gesticulating by a see-saw motion with her right hand and keeping her left hand useless, brought forward for some extra elocutionary effect, behind her. Her voice is clear and audible, but it is evident her speech has been well conned, and its delivery is wholly stereotype and recitative in character. This question of enfranchisement of woman has passed out of the court of discussion and has already entered the arena of politics, where it will remain until some party, to secure its success, will imbed it in the fundamental laws of our land. Kansas already leads the world in her legislation for woman in reference to property, education, marriage, divorce and temperance. In Kansas a woman has a right to vote on the school question, and is eligible for the office of school trustee; all the universities in Kansas, all the higher schools of the State are open alike to boys and girls; woman there too has a voice upon the temperance question. No licenses can be granted in that State without the votes of all the citizens, male and female, black and white. The result of this is that there commodious schoolhouses are being voted up and rum being voted down. I remember being in one district there, and there was pointed out to me a beautiful stone schoolhouse. "That," said the gentleman who was accompanying me, "is the result of women's votes. In that district the majority of the men were bachelors, and they said they were not going to vote for schoolhouses to educate other people's children. But all the married men then brought out their wives, who voted successfully for the schoolhouse." And another thing. Just so fast as licenses are running out in the various places in that State, it is impossible to renew them; for the women will not vote for licenses. And this is one of the reasons why I want women to vote on temperance and on all our other reforms, because I believe that the majority of women would vote for what is right and true and good. In Kansas we have two-thirds of the press with us; we have most of the leading minds of that State also with us. The first Governor of Kansas, who was elected three years in succession, stumped the State for two entire months for woman's suffrage, and he is the same man who in the first State organization opposed the introduction of the word "white" in the Kansas constitution. But, although we have had many of the leading minds of the country for the last twenty years agitating the right of suffrage for woman, during the last year, when they have had the first opportunity of making this a practical thing in life, these very men have proved wanting. Not a single man of all those who have advocated this idea gave us a helping hand by word or speech, or in their journals. New York should take the lead in giving to her daughters the crowning right of citizenship. I do not come here to argue for woman's enfranchisement as woman, but as a citizen of the republic. I have no arguments to make for woman except those same arguments that you have made for your own enfranchisement during the last century. During the last twenty years I have been before the Legislature of this State a dozen times, making arguments on this question of the enfranchisement of woman. The most distinguished judges and politicians have come to me every time at the close of my speech and have confessed that my arguments were unanswerable. What did the two hundred and fifty wise men in the Constitutional Convention say when I went there and argued this whole question on the foundation principles of our government, and on the idea that suffrage was a natural right? What was their answer? "Your doctrines are too new and revolutionary for the nineteenth century." I ask you when you look around, and see the moral corruption prevalent in politics, the dissensions in the Church, and the jealousies and bickerings in families, do you not feel that we need something new and revolutionary in every department of life? Do you not remember that all that is old now was once new? If the nineteenth century is to be governed by the eighteenth, do you not see that the world must be governed by dead men. New things! That is just exactly what we live for, to do new things. And then worse than all, Horace Greeley has given as a reason for his report on female suffrage to the Convention, that the women of the State of New York did not want the ballot; and that after twenty thousand petitions have been sent in from every part of the State by women who demand the right to vote. It is an insult to the intelligence of woman and of the nineteenth century, to say that while the extension of the suffrage has been going on in all parts of the world, we have remained insensible to all the eloquence that has been uttered in Congress and in every State Legislature upon this question of the enfranchisement of woman. Do you suppose that while the two millions of emancipated Russian serfs are throwing up their arms to the heavens and demanding enfranchisement, while the newly made freedmen of our own country are rejoicing in the possession of the ballot, do you suppose that the daughters of Jefferson and Hancock and Adams will forever linger around the campfires of an old civilization, and not join this grand army of freedom to roll back the golden gates of a higher and a better civilization? No, it is not true. I never talked to a woman five minutes and pointed out to her the intimate connection between bread and the ballot, but I found she was anxious to vote. But suppose women do not want to vote, what has that to do with it? When you were voting for free schools, did you go to the children and say to them "Do you want schools?" When you passed prohibitory laws, did you go to the drunkard and the liquor seller and say, "Do you want prohibitory laws?" And when you proposed to give the ballot to ignorant plantation hands, did you go to them and ask if they wanted the ballot? No; you knew that it was necessary to the safety of the nation that your citizens should be educated; you knew that it was necessary for them to be sober; you knew that it was necessary, in order to solve the problem of reconstruction, to place the ballot in the hands of the loyal millions of the South; and so you passed all these measure. Now, you know that our politics are corrupt from the core, and unless you do something to stay this terrible tide of corruption, our republic will share the fate of all the republics that have gone before. I propose, in order to do this, to introduce into politics, by the enfranchisement of woman, a new moral element and power. Then, when this is done, politics will be lifted up into the world of morals and religion, the polling booth will become a beautiful temple surrounded with flowers and fountains and triumphal arches, where men and women shall go up to vote for freedom and equality, and our elections will be like the feasts of the Jews at Jerusalem. Mrs. Stanton concluded by reviewing the improvement which would take place in the pecuniary compensation of woman if she were endowed with the ballot, and disclaimed the derogatory remarks which had been made by Mr. Train in reference to Mr. Beecher.Miss Anthony and other speakers also addressed the meeting. Miss Anthony is a thin-faced, spectacle-wearing and decidedly strong-minded looking woman. Her dress was neat and plain. She was also white-kidded, and displayed a gold watch about her neck. Her voice is on a high pitch, and she is not half as agreeable or impressive a speaker as Mrs. Stanton. She was, however, listened to with the same earnest attention.Lucy Stone Repudiates Susan B. Anthony and Her Followers.At a meeting of the Executive Committee, held at their rooms, in New York, December 14, it was unanimously resolved,That this association disclaims all responsibility for or endorsement of the series of meetings held by George Francis Train, Mrs. Stanton and Susan B. Anthony.We do this because there is a misapprehension in the public mind in regard to these meetings, which have been held without consultation with or approval of the American Equal Rights Association.Edwin A. Studwell, Chairman Ex. Committee.Lucy Stone, Secretary.Woman's SuffrageStaffNew York TimesWoman's SuffrageGeorge Francis Train, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony at Steinway Hall.Last evening a fair audience assembled at Steinway Hall, for the purpose of listening to the champions of woman's rights. Before the speaking commenced Mr. Norton favored the audience with selections on the organ. At 8 o'clock Mr. Train, accompanied by Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. [sic] Anthony, and one or two others, appeared upon the platform and was greeted with cheers.Mr. Train, on stepping forward, said that the age of steamships, railroads, telegraphs and other great improvements had come. We were running rapidly forward, and he would show his hearers that they were living in a new age. Slavery had passed away from the nation [applause] and now we should say New America and not Old America. In order to convince the audience that the nation was going ahead, he would allude to his recent trip to the West. The speaker then gave a graphic description of his experience on that occasion and spoke of the speeches that he had made in different places in support of the sentiments which he would there advocate. In referring to the growth of the country he asked why the capital should not be in the centre of the nation? In course of time, he argued the capital would be at Columbus. In reverting to the subject of women's rights, Mr. Train said he was, with Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. [sic] Anthony, in Kansas, speaking in behalf of their sex. But their old friends--Greeley, Phillips, Tilton, and others had left them to fight out their own cause. He denounced them for this cowardly act. In Kansas the speaker told the people he was first for women, and then for blacks. It was partly through his efforts that 7,000 votes were given in that State in favor of the rights of women. [Cheers.] Mr. Train next touched upon the influence of the New-York Press, and wanted to know how it was that four newspapers wielded such a vast influence. He thought it hard they should be so ready to give space to dog-fights and to toadyism, and withhold their columns from the champions of morality, honesty and integrity. He took the ground that the only Americans in New-York were the Irish, and then gave them credit for what they had done and were doing to free Ireland. He then spoke of his personal exploits in the far West, and introduced an epigram of his own composition. Were he a real Christian, like Beecher or Gough, he would advocate the claims of women for the purpose of putting money in his pocket. Beecher charged the Association $100 for a lecture. This was neither just nor right. Mr. Train then gave the details of his journey from West to East, and spoke of the speeches which had been made by the ladies who were on the platform with him. After speaking in Boston, Hartford, and other places he came to New-York to break the ice and introduce the ladies. He concluded by introducing to the audience Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Mrs. Stanton said that the rights of women had been maintained in Kansas, and that, too, without the aid of the Press. In time all the States would be as liberal as Kansas. She then pointed to the improvement already noticeable in that State through the influence of woman. It was evident that the Nineteenth Century wanted something new in the way of government. This was an age of progress. It had been said that women did not want to vote, but she had never talked five minutes with a woman about bread and the ballot, when the woman did not express her readiness to vote. The speaker then said the question was, should women have a voice in making the laws of the country. The ballot, too, should be guarded, for on it depends the stability and safety of our institutions, and women with a right to vote would see that the ballot-box was guarded. She asked a vote for woman because she wanted her to have a voice in the criminal legislation of the land. Were women in Congress the country would not be disgraced as it now is. As to Mr. Beecher, the speaker thought Mr. Train had not done him justice. He had been true to the cause, and she was not willing Mr. Train should say what he had without her contradiction. She next gave Mr. Greeley a severe hit for his abandonment of the cause of the Constitutional Convention, and closed by appealing to the men of New-York to give their aid toward advancing the rights of women in this State.Mr. Norton, by the request of Mr. Train, then performed on the organ "The Wearing of the Green."Mr. Train again spoke, taking National affairs for his topic. He reviewed the course of Beecher and Phillips, and gave numerous reasons, why women should be allowed the right of suffrage.Mrs. [sic] Anthony then made a few remarks, after which Mr. Train spoke for the third time, concluding his speech by nominating himself for the Presidency of the United States.New York Tribune December 16, 1867
The Rights of Woman.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Miss Susan B. Anthony at Steinway Hall.The friends of Woman's Suffrage turned out on Saturday night to hear the pioneers of the great revolution, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton, who have just returned from a triumphal tour through Kansas, where they succeeded in enlisting the sympathies of the Democracy in their behalf. After an introductory speech by Mr. Train, Mrs. Stanton was introduced. She thought that what had been accomplished for woman in Kansas could be accomplished in every State of the Union. In Kansas woman votes for educational officers, and no license for the sale of rum can be granted until she speaks in favor of it. The result is that beautiful school-houses are going up in every habitable part of the State, while whisky shops are coming down. Mrs. S. was very severe upon the original friends of the movement who had within a year or so refused to continue their support. She was very bitter in her denunciations of Horace Greeley for his report to the State Constitutional Convention. He who had been for more than 20 years the fearless friend of the cause--its first public champion, indeed, turned upon it at the very moment it most needed his aid, and refused to give it a good word. He is said to have given as his reason for this strange course that it was too revolutionary a movement for the nineteenth century, and that women did not desire to vote. The speaker had never met a woman who understood the intimate connection between bread and the ballot, who did not want the right to enjoy the right to the latter in order to gain a fair share of the former for her little ones and herself. Besides, it is not necessary to ask women whether they wish to vote. When the Excise law was enacted the rum-sellers were not asked whether they would have it or not. When it was proposed to give the ignorant blacks of the South the right to vote, they were not questioned as to their wishes in that regard. Then wherefore should the voters of the country wait for an expression of opinion from women? Are they less virtuous than the rum-seller? Are they more degraded than the plantation negro? No; you knew that it was necessary to the safety of the nation that your citizens should be educated; you knew that it was necessary from them to be sober; you knew that it was necessary, in order to solve the problem of reconstruction, to place the ballot in the hands of the loyal millions of the South; and so you passed all these measures. Now, you know that our politics are corrupt from the core, and unless you do something to stay this terrible tide of corruption, our Republic will share the fate of all the republics that have gone before. I propose, in order to do this, to introduce into politics, by the enfranchisement of woman, a new moral element and power. Then, when this is done, politics will be lifted up into the world of morals and religion, the polling-booth will become a beautiful temple, surrounded with flowers, and fountains, and triumphal arches, where men and women shall go up to vote for freedom and equality, and our elections will be like the feasts of the Jews at Jerusalem. Mrs. Stanton concluded by reviewing the improvement which would take place in the pecuniary compensation of woman if she were endowed with the ballot, and disclaimed the derogatory remarks which had been made by Mr. Train in reference to Mr. Beecher.Miss Anthony, on being called for, said that Horace Greeley had done more than any open enemy to thwart the triumph of woman's rights. The effect of THE TRIBUNE editorials on the subject, which reached Kansas just before the election, exerted a powerful influence against the movement in that State. But in spite of Horace Greeley, and other weak-kneed reformers, Kansas gave 7,000 majority for woman's right to the ballot.The meeting was well attended, and among the audience were many prominent citizens. At about 11 o'clock Mr. Train recited an epigram, spoke a piece, nominated himself for the Presidency, and recited another epigram, whereupon the proceedings were brought to a close, and the people went home.What the Press Says of The Revolution.StaffThe RevolutionWhat the Press Says of The Revolution.SUNDAY TIMES.The Ladies Militant: It is out at last. If the women, as a body, have not succeeded in getting up a revolution, Susan B. Anthony, as their representative, has. Her "Revolution" was issued last Thursday as a sort of New Year's gift to what she considered a yearning public, and it is said to be charged to the muzzle with literary nitro-glycerine."If Mrs. Stanton would attend a little more to her domestic duties and a little less to those of the great public, perhaps she would exalt her sex quite as much as she does by Quixotically fighting windmills in their gratuitous behalf, and she might possibly set a notable example of domestic felicity. No married woman can convert herself into a feminine Knight of the Rueful Visage and ride about the country attempting to redress imaginary wrongs, without leaving her own household in a neglected condition that must be an eloquent witness against her. As for the spinsters, we have often said that every woman has a natural and inalienable right to a good husband and a pretty baby. When, by proper "agitation," she has secured this right, she best honors herself and her sex by leaving public affairs behind her, and by endeavoring to show how happy she can make the little world of which she has just become the brilliant centre [sic].Ah! sir, in recommending to our attention domestic economy, you have assailed us in our stronghold. Here we are unsurpassed. We know--what not one woman in ten thousand does know--how to take care of a child, make good bread, and keep a home clean. We never harbor rats, mice, or cockroaches, ants, fleas, or bed bugs. Our children have never run the gauntlet of sprue, jaundice, croup, chicken-pox, whooping-cough, measles, scarlet-fever or fits; but they are healthy, rosy, happy, and well-fed. Pork, salt meat, mackerel, rancid butter, heavy bread, lard, cream of tartar and soda, or any other culinary abominations are never found on our table. Now let every man who wants his wife to know how to do likewise take THE REVOLUTION, in which not only the ballot, but bread and babies will be discussed.As to spinsters, our proprietor says, that just as soon as she is enfranchised, and the laws on marriage and divorce are equal for man and woman, she will take the subject of matrimony into serious consideration, perhaps call on the editor of the Sunday Times.N.Y. CITIZEN.THE REVOLUTION, advocating "love to man as well as God," is edited by Miss Parker Pillsbury, and two gay young fellows named Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Miss Susan B. Anthony. It advocates "Equal pay to women for equal work." Why does it not go for exact justice to all, irrespective of sex or color, and also demand "Equal pay to men for equal work with women?" This, we take it, would save a good many good dollars to a good many good fellows. As society is now organized, we men have to do all the work and the women get all the money. In the dictionary of Fifth avenue, the word husband is thus defined: "Husband--a useful domestic drudge; a machine that makes dollars."Exact justice to all, irrespective of sex and color, is precisely what we advocate. We do not forget our sons in demanding the rights of our daughters. When all girls are educated for self dependence, men will cease to be mere machines for making money, while the wealth of the nation will be doubled.CAMBRIDGE PRESS.A live newspaper.--THE REVOLUTION is a great fact. All the leaders in the nation will take it. It is the organ of Temperance--of one hundred thousand School Teachers-of morality, and a new system of Finance. The subscription list already contains the President and Cabinet of the United States--the Vice-President and Senate--the Speaker and the members of the House of Representatives--all the Governors, Bankers and Brokers. Ten thousand first number.THE REVOLUTION will be the Organ of the National Party of New America, based on individual rights in political, religious and social life. It will be devoted to Principle, not Policy. It will be backed by the Credit Foncier of America, the Credit Mobilier of America, the Pacific Railroad Company, and half of Wall street; with Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury as editors, and Miss Susan B. Anthony as general manager and proprietor.Let the one hundred thousand school teachers send in their subscriptions. We intend that two million dollars spent yearly in the public schools of this city, instead of going as now into the hands of harpies, shall be spent in improvement in our school houses, and increased salaries to our female teachers. Horace Greeley, in an editorial a few months since, said that the women of this State should vote and have exclusive jurisdiction over all matters relating to education. Let us at least have a word to say on this important question.N.Y. SUN.THE REVOLUTION is the title of a new weekly newspaper published by Susan B. Anthony, and edited by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury. One of the chief contributors appears to be Geo. Francis Train. As to women's suffrage, we would mildly suggest to the editors that their labors are thrown away in writing for men. What they need to do is to convert women to their way of thinking; for from the days of Eve to the present time women have generally had no difficulty in making men do everything they wanted them to. That women do not vote in this State, side by side with men, is owing, not to the opinion of men against it, but to those of women themselves. In regard to the other purposes embraced in the prospectus of the paper, we can only repeat the old proverb, "Too many irons in the fire at once."When our fire burns low, we shall avail ourselves of the light and heat of the Sun to keep our irons going. As to our "labors being thrown away" in urging men to amend their laws and constitutions, we would remind the Sun, that we have already made great changes in this State, in the laws for women, by asking men to amend them. What else could we do? If you would enter your sanctum, do you not ask the man who holds the key? Moreover the short way of converting the women, is to convert the men first; their ridicule is more powerful than our logic.N.Y. WORLD.The traditional tailors of Tooley street, three in number, met and resolved themselves into "We, the people of England." Susan B. Anthony, as proprietor and manager, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Mrs. Parker Pillsbury, as editors, have issued a new paper called THE REVOLUTION, which is announced as the organ of the "National Party," whatever party that is, "of New America," wherever that may be. The first number is a sharp and spicy sheet, with a considerable show of Stanton, plenty of Pillsbury paragraphs, and an almost inexhaustible volcano of Train. We condense and print elsewhere an amusing account of Susan B. Anthony's raid upon the Radicals and others in Washington for subscriptions to the new "organ." Her efforts to raise the wind for the organ's bellows, Train being "blower," were quite successful, though, sad to say, Chandler and Sprague snubbed Susan and refused to subscribe. The President said "No," at first, but Susan said something sharp about the Radical party, and he signed his name Andrew Johnson, in a bold hand, as much as to say, "anything to get rid of this woman and break the Radical party."In comparing us to the tailors of Tooley street, the World forgets that though those meritorious mercers failed, there is no such word as "fail" in our vocabulary. We know of no parallel to their lamentable discomfiture so fitting as that memorable raid of Mr. Mantalini who rushed frantically from the World office, bearing in his arms the wooden god of the Chickahominy swamps for the adoration of the people, who averted their faces and bowed down to the rail-splitter of Illinois. We understand that the man-milliner, not profiting by the disastrous experiences either of Tooley street or Beekman street, is anxious to repeat his experiment with the wooden god. The presumption of these English tailors in resolving themselves "We, the people," is only equalled [sic] by that of the "white males" of this country in opening all their constitutions in the same way, while seven-twelfths of the entire people had no voice in the matter.The Herald has taken no notice of us, because, we suppose, from its genial nature, it would not like to attack us; and it could not afford to compliment us, for fear that the agitation of our cause might interfere with what it has so much at heart, negro enfranchisement and "negro supremacy."The Tribune--No editorial notice has been taken of us in the Tribune; but through the direct intervention of Mr. Greeley, who has some influence with the editor of that journal, our best article, "Miss Anthony among the Senators," was copied in its columns. This is tendered on his part as part compensation for his infidelities and infelicities in the Constitutional Convention, and we accept it as such.SUNDAY COURIER.THE REVOLUTION.--This is the name of Susan B. Anthony's new paper, which is devoted to the revolution, or turning over of men and women, and divers other things, such as "God, like our Cotton and Corn, for sale, Greenbacks for money," and "Educated Suffrage, irrespective of color or sex." It is to be edited by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury, with--probably--the irrepressible George Francis Train as a corps de reserve. When we see the first number, we shall be better able to judge of its prospects of success.Read, mark, and inwardly digest, and then give us your opinion on these questions.SUNDAY NEWS.Although a woman cannot vote, it is decided that they can edit a newspaper. THE REVOLUTION, with the bold and taking motto of "Principles, not Policy: Justice, not Favors," has appeared, and the proprietress, Susan B. Anthony, throws her glove into the arena of journalism, and, supported by her trusty fellow-revolutionists, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury, stands ready to defend the rights of woman. THE REVOLUTION is certainly a very sprightly, earnest and vigorous journal, neat and attractive in appearance, and, judging from the first number, well worthy of the patronage of the public. As a guarantee of its success, we may mention that the irrepressible George Francis Train is to be a contributor--a fact that speaks for itself in the columns of the first issue.Thank you, Mr. Benjamin Wood; you are a gentleman. You are the only editor that has welcomed us to the field of journalism without a sneer mingled with his praise.INDEPENDENT.THE REVOLUTION is the martial name of a bristling and defiant new weekly journal, the first number of which has just been laid on our table. When we mention that it is edited by Mr. Parker Pillsbury and Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, all the world will immediately know what to expect from it. Those two writers can never be accused of having nothing to say, or of backwardness in saying it. Each has separately long maintained a striking individuality of tongue and pen. Working together, they will produce a canvas of the Rembrandt school--Mrs. Stanton painting the high lights, and Mr. Pillsbury the deep darks. In fact, the new journal's real editors are Hope and Despair. Beaumont and Fletcher were intellectually something alike; but Mrs. Stanton and Mr. Pillsbury are totally different. The lady is a gay Greek, come forth from Athens; the gentleman is a somber Hebrew, bound back to Jerusalem. We know of no two more striking, original, and piquant writers. What keen criticisms, what knife-blade repartees, what lacerating sarcasms we shall expect from the one! What solemn, reverberating, sanguinary damnations we shall hear from the other! Conspicuous among the new journal's contributors is that great traveller [sic], hotel-builder, epigrammatist, and kite-flyer, Mr. George Francis Train.So THE REVOLUTION, from the start, will arouse, thrill, edify, amuse, vex, and nonplus its friends. But it will compel attention; it will conquer a hearing.Its business management is in the good hands of Miss Susan B. Anthony, who has long been known as one of the most indefatigable, honest, obstinate, faithful, cross grained, and noble-minded of the famous women of America. It only remains to add that, as "the price of liberty is eternal vigilance," so the price of THE REVOLUTION is two dollars a year."Oppression," says Solomon, "maketh a wise man mad;" but to others, though surrounded by suffering and wrong, life is only a tournament where men prance on steeds while women throw them smiles and flowers.What thoughtful mind does not "DESPAIR" for the future of this nation in view of the divided counsels at our Capitol; the dishonesty and selfishness of our politicians, the surveillance of the press, the stultification of our prophetic men, and the cold, hard life of the mass of our people? While some skim serenely and securely through calm waters, others may see dangers beyond their horizon, and feel the swellings of mightier waves than lighter craft in shallow surroundings know.When Nero fiddled in his palace in Rome, wise Seneca, on the banks of the Tiber, wept over the downfall of the republic.What the Press Says of UsStaffThe RevolutionWhat the Press Says of Us.From the Round Table.Miss Susan B. Anthony has made the most delightful addition to our weekly literature that it has ever been our fortune to record. "THE REVOLUTION," a very handsome little sixteen-page paper, must entirely superseded the imagined necessity for an American Punch. At any rate, keen, caustic, brimming with the exuberant energy and smartness of the little circle who preside over its destinies--entirely unfettered, moreover, with anything like reserve or deference to precedent or expediency or conventional restraints of any sort from beginning to end; from the prospectus, evidently inspired, if not written, by Mr. George Francis Train, to the advertisement on the last page of that enterprising gentleman's "Credit Foncier of America"--no more irresistibly funny and wildly hilarious reading has ever been laid upon our table, so that we have little doubt of its redeeming its promise and becoming "the Great Organ of the Age." The editors, we ought to have said before, are Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and that shadowy personage who always suggests the idea that theses Quixotic ladies have availed themselves of Peter Schlemihl's loss--Mr. Parker Pillsbury. We know of no way in which the annual investment of two dollars could bring a more bountiful return in fun than in subscribing to "THE REVOLUTION."After all the cross-grained belaboring, the sneers, the ridicule, the envy, the malice, heaped on us from spiteful editors, and the terrible letting-alone by those who could think of nothing sufficiently severe to say, a notice like this from the Round Table, so hearty, so appreciative, is indeed refreshing to our editorial soul. But, friend, have you ever seen our "white male" editor, that you call him a "shadowy personage?" Do you not know that he is a great burly fellow from the White Mountains of New Hampshire? that he has been forging abolition thunder thirty years, and that of all men in the country he is second only to Rev. George B. Cheever in powers of denunciation? If you should once see his great head, with his coarse black hair standing out like the quills of the fretful porcupine, and his great eyes that look as if he had peered beyond the endless future, you would know at once that we would redeem our promise, and become the "Great Organ of the Age."From the N.Y. Sunday Atlas.New paper.--"THE REVOLUTION" has commenced to revolve, with Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury at the wheel. The initial number smacks very strongly of Train. Its purpose is the extension of political rights to women. Their exclusion from the elective franchise cannot be defended on principle, and whenever a majority of them choose to vote they will vote, just as they do everything else they are determined to.The N.Y. Atlas, like a Christian philosopher, accepts the situation.From the Kentucky Statesman."THE REVOLUTION" has come. Not, dear reader, the overturning of governments, the pulling down of the temple of liberty, and the destruction of things in general; oh no! but the paper named "THE REVOLUTION," published in New York City, by Susan B. Anthony, proprietor and manager, and edited by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury. It is devoted very much indeed to the advocacy of woman's right to everything, especially to the right of voting and holding office and making political speeches. Now, husbands, all of you who are afraid that your wives and daughters will want you to expend two dollars in subscribing for this advocate of woman's rights, had better not read them this notice.Yes, Kentucky, we do mean to devote ourselves "very much indeed" to woman's right to do everything her hands find to do. But under the new dynasty we shall not ask husbands or lovers for two dollars to take "THE REVOLUTION," but go to work and earn it ourselves. If these stupid men could only see the point, they would give woman the ballot to-morrow. In helping us to circulate our paper, you will help to circulate better blood the brains of the men of the next generation. Yes, you are right; ours is not a Revolution to destroy, but to build up the true family, the church, the state, a temple of liberty on the stable foundations of "Equal rights to all."From the Northampton (Mass.) Free Press."THE REVOLUTION."--New York has a Revolution--nay more, "THE REVOLUTION." Susan B. Anthony has the job on her hands of keeping it rolling, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury write it up, and George Francis Train, whom the "bloody Hinglish" have in limbo as a Fenian just now, is one of the chief inflaters of the gas bag. It goes in heavy for female suffrage, the abolition of standing armies and party despotisms, a penny ocean postage and stacks of greenbacks for money. When they get all these, which naturally they won't get for some scores of years yet, we suppose they will find out some other reforms that are needed. But they have good courage, and "THE REVOLUTION" will be spicy and readable. Published at New York, at two dollars per year.John Bull though the Revolution of '76 was a "gas bag," but when it exploded and blew the red-coats into the sea, he found to his surprise it was a hundred-pounder. But our "REVOLUTION" is to be one of life, not death--to usher in the golden age of free men, free speech, free press and free trade, and without waiting "scores of years" either, especially if New England editors will do their duty.From the Webster (Mass.) Times."THE REVOLUTION."--We have received the first number of this new organ of female suffrage, published in New York, by Susan B. Anthony, proprietor and manager. Its editors are Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury. The two women are the chief cooks, and Pillsbury picks up the scraps. But there is talent connected with this scheme and they will make themselves heard. It contains too much Geo. Francis Train to be healthy.Train is one of the healthiest men we know,--large, handsome, vigorous, without a personal vice. In this age of disease, sham, and crime, shall we not rejoice in the companionship of every man, whatever his idiosyncracies may be, who neither smokes, chews, snuffs (except the British lion afar), drinks whiskey, gormandizes or gambles; who neither lies, cheats, swears, or takes advantage of the bankrupt act; who works like a hero when well, and lies away in a cold pack under the thumb of Dr. Kuczkowski when sick, eschewing alike drugs and the lancet? Oh! no! we cannot drop Train. On the contrary, we advise all our female friends to drop these flabby, sickly, wizened, dyspeptic, wine-bibbing, tobacco-chewing men, who use cloves, peppermint drops, cammomile flowers, etc., to conceal their offensive breath when they come into our presence.From the Binghampton (N.Y.) Standard."THE REVOLUTION" is the title of a new paper, the first number of which has just been issued. Miss Anthony is proprietor, and Mrs. Stanton and Mr. Pillsbury are the editors. The paper advocates educated suffrage, regardless of color or sex, woman's rights, temperance, free education, and a variety of other ideas, some practical and some chimerical.Yes, sir, you are right; we have one "chimerical" idea--giving our readers such a neat, spicy, beautiful paper for two dollars a year.From the Rochester Evening Express."THE REVOLUTION."--We have received a copy of "THE REVOLUTION," the new paper published by Mrs. Stanton, Susan B. Anthony and Train. It is handsomely printed, spicily edited, and will doubtless accomplish the first necessity of every new journal--that of making a sensation. It has enough of Train in it for that, but besides his bombast, "THE REVOLUTION" has a report of a speech by Lucy Stone, together with able and careful articles by Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony and others, which will probably achieve the higher result of arousing public attention to the cause it advocates and in making converts to its principles. We have too much of the old prejudice against Nazareth to expect any good from Train; but if any one believes it possible to harness and control that immense amount of energy, steam and gas, and make it do good work in the cause of a moral reform, he or she is perfectly welcome to the trial, and we shall watch the result with interest. "THE REVOLUTION" is edited by Mrs. Elizabeth C. Stanton, and Parker Pillsbury, and is published by Susan B. Anthony 37 Park Row, New York, at two dollars per year.Susan B. Anthony has taught school fifteen years, and was very successful in training boys that men could not manage, and Mrs. Stanton has brought up five boys, and you may rest assured, Mr. Editor, that in time they will whip this young man into shape. We have had him in hand only two months, and he is wonderfully improved already, and what John Bull don't do towards taming him we shall. We intend to bottle up all this "energy, steam and gas," and use it judiciously in the cause of reform.From the Rondout N.Y. Freeman."THE REVOLUTION."--Susan B. Anthony has kindly sent us the first number of the new paper just started to favor "Women's Rights." It is very neatly printed, and of course ably edited, as Parker Pillsbury and Mrs. E. Cady Stanton attend to that. In the first number the irrepressible George Francis Train gives Bennett several pieces of his mind. We think this paper will decidedly benefit the cause, and wish it success.This accounts for the unusual brilliancy of the Herald of late. It is probably that the London Times will also get a "piece of his mind," though he promised to give himself wholly to "THE REVOLUTION."From the Religio-Philosophical Journal, Chicago, Ill."THE REVOLUTION," Susan B. Anthony, proprietor and manager, 37 Park Row (Room 17), New York City. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Parker Pillsbury, editors. $2 per annum. This paper, as the reader will readily infer from the names of the managers, is devoted to female suffrage. Inasmuch as it is a reform journal, we welcome it to our sanctum, and commend it to the public.From the Nebraska Press, Columbus, Nebraska."THE REVOLUTION."--The last mail has laid before us a neat little journal by the above name, edited by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury, Esq., and published by Susan B. Anthony, at 37 Park Row, New York. These names will indicate the character of the journal generally. Here is what they say it will advocate:"Educated Suffrage, Irrespective of sex or color; Equal Pay to Women for Equal Work; Eight Hours' Labor; Abolition of Standing Armies and Party Despotisms. Down with Politicians--Up with the People."From the Boston Commonwealth.We have the initial of "THE REVOLUTION," Susan B. Anthony's new woman's rights organ. It is published in New York, is a quarto of 16 pages, and handsomely printed. It is edited by Mrs. E.C. Stanton and Parker Pillsbury, whose names are guarantees of ability and character. Their effusions are able, pertinent and courageous.From the Boston Post."THE REVOLUTION," the new weekly paper devoted to woman suffrage, social reform, a new commercial policy and other schemes, is a handsomely printed quarto of sixteen pages. Mrs. E. Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury are the editors, and Miss Susan B. Anthony, proprietor.The Springfield Republican, speaking of "THE REVOLUTION," says that if the women will only throw overboard Train and his greenback heresy, dispense with male help and do their own editing, they will at least command respect.Verily! a new day is dawning when such a wise man as Mr. Bowles advises us to throw all the "white males" overboard and do all the editorial labor ourselves. What a tribute this is the strong-minded of "THE REVOLUTION."From the Farmers' Cabinet, Amherst, N.H."THE REVOLUTION" is the title of a weekly quarto published by Susan B. Anthony, advocating reform everywhere and in everything. Parker Pillsbury and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, editors.Yes, sir, everything and everywhere. We want you to say something in your Cabinet about farmers' wives. Statistics show that more farmers' wives become insane than any other class, from hard labor and the monotony of their lives. Now we propose that the wives go to town to sell the butter, eggs and poultry, and put the money in their own pockets. Remember half the joint earnings by right belong to the farmers' wives.From the Liberal Christian."THE REVOLUTION" is the title of the new organ of the Woman's Rights advocates, or rather the Universal Suffrage party. It is a neat, tasteful paper of sixteen pages, beautifully printed on fine white paper, and does great credit to its designers and printer. Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury are its editors, and Miss Susan B. Anthony its proprietor and business manager. Under such control it cannot help but be able, bright, smart and a very effective defender and advocate of the ideas and issues it represents. It modestly says: "We do not promise the millennium of journalism, from this experiment, or in politics from the enfranchisement of woman, only a new, and, we hope, a better phase of existence, which, to those who are tired of the old grooves in which the world has run so long, is something to be welcomed in the future. With the moral chaos that surrounds us on every side, the corruption in the State, the dissensions in the church, the jealousies in the home, what thinking mind does not feel that we need something new and revolutionary in every department of life?" Miss Anthony, the energetic manager, visited Washington to obtain subscriptions, and had a very cordial reception. A large number of Senators and Representatives subscribed.The Liberal Christian is not only worthy its name, but most discriminating in seeing that the foundation of all reform is in the elevation of woman. When our religious journals give us a higher and purer theology of the relation of the sexes, the true position of woman will be recognized.Another from the Liberal Christian."THE REVOLUTION."--We have just read the second number of "THE REVOLUTION." We heartily believe in many of the ideas which "THE REVOLUTION" advocates, and have on various occasions subjected ourselves to some reproach therefor. But this number of the paper has disgusted us, as we know that it has many other friends of woman. We do kindly advise Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton, for who, personally, we have a profound respect, and for whose self-sacrificing labors we have only praise, to cut loose at once from Geo. Francis Train. If they do not, and he does not sink the craft they have just launched, it must have a buoyancy and strength for which we have not given it credit. Do, ladies, dissolve this connection, which is "one not fit to be made."M.You have little idea, my dear M., of the strength and buoyancy of our craft; besides, according to the principles of natural philosophy, a "gas bag" and a "kite-flyer," as most people call Train, will help to keep our heads above water.From the Waltham (Mass.) Sentinel."THE REVOLUTION," called by some George Francis Train's organ, has made its appearance from 37 Park Row (Room 17), New York City. The paper is to advocate educated suffrage, irrespective of sex or color; equal pay to women for equal work; eight hours' labor; abolition of standing armies and party despotisms. It is a handsome 16-page quarto, at $2.00 per year only. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury, editors, and Susan B. Anthony, proprietor and manager. We find many interesting things in "THE REVOLUTION," and we doubt not that interest will be continued as long as the names referred to continue at the head.From the Hempstead L.I. Enquirer."THE REVOLUTION" made its appearance on the 8th day of January. It is a good looking weekly newspaper, published by Susan B. Anthony, and edited by Mrs. E.C. Stanton and Parker Pillsbury. George Francis Train is the principal contributor. It advocates educated suffrage, without regard to sex or color, and the enlargement of the sphere of woman.From the Chilicothe (Ill.) Free Press."THE REVOLUTION."--We have received the first number of this paper, dated January 8, 1868.This paper is edited by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury. Susan B. Anthony is the proprietor.In the first number we are promised "a new thought of something better or different at least from what has gone before."We do not know as to the truth of the fact stated, and being sceptical [sic] on similar promises only give it as we got it.The paper, so far as the mechanical execution is concerned, looks well, and no doubt will be relished by those women and friends of female suffrage.Read our articles on Wall street, and tell us if it is not a new thought for a feminine pen to stir up the Bulls and Bears as we do, to deal the master strokes we have against this whole system of stock gambling. Entre nous, Chilicothe, we sold two hundred papers to Wall street yesterday.Grace Greenwood on the Washington Suffrage Convention.StaffThe RevolutionGrace Greenwood on the Washington Suffrage Convention.The following account of the Woman's Suffrage Convention in Washington was sent to the Philadelphia Press by Grace Greenwood:Washington, Jan. 21st, 1869.The proceedings were opened with prayer by Dr. Gray, the Chaplain of the Senate, a man of remarkably liberal spirit. This prayer, however, did not give perfect satisfaction. Going back to the beginning of things, the Doctor unfortunately chanced to take, of the two Mosaic accounts of the creation of man and woman, that one which is least exalting to woman, representing her as built on to a "spare rib" of Adam. Let us hope the reverend gentleman will "overhaul" his Genesis and "take a note."On the platform was an imposing array of intellect, courage, and noble character. First there was dear, revered Lucretia Mott, her sweet saintly face cloistered in her Quaker bonnet, her serene and gracious presence, so dignified yet so utterly unpretending, so self-poised yet so gentle, so peaceful yet so powerful, sanctioning and sanctifying the meeting and the movement.Near her sat her sister, Mrs. Wright, of Auburn, a woman of strong, constant character, and of rare intellectual culture; Mrs. Cady Stanton, a lady of impressive and beautiful appearance, in the rich prime of an active, generous, and healthful life; Miss Susan B. Anthony, looking all she is, a keen, energetic, uncompromising, unconquerable, passionately earnest woman; Clara Barton, whose name is dear to soldiers and blessed in thousands of homes to which the soldiers shall return no more--a brave, benignant looking woman. But I will not indulge in personal descriptions, though Dr. Walker in her emancipated garments, and Eve-like arrangement or disarrangement of hair, is somewhat tempting.Senator Pomeroy, acting as temporary chairman, called the convention to order. Certain committees were appointed, and the Senator spoke for some twenty or thirty minutes, very happily and effectively, on the question of Woman's Rights under the constitution--both as originally written and as amended. He argued that all born or naturalized Americans are citizens--that neither sex nor color has anything to do with citizenship rightfully. His reasoning seemed to us, indeed, who are interested, cogent and logical, and his spirit fearless and broad.Mrs. Stanton spoke on the general question with great force and pithiness. Of all their speakers she seemed to me to have the most weight. Her speeches are models of composition--clear, compact, elegant, and logical. She makes her points with peculiar sharpness and certainty, and there is no denying or dodging her conclusions.Mrs. Mott followed Mrs. Stanton, and at a later hour spoke again. She cannot speak too often for the good of this or any cause. Her arguments are always gently put forward, but there is great force behind them--the force of reason, and justice, and simple truth. Her wit, too, though it gleams out softly and playfully, illuminates her subject as the keener, sharper light of satire never could illuminate it. She is always reasonable, gracious, and judicious. She never strives for effect, and is too conscientious to be sensational, yet no speaker among the younger women of this movement makes more telling points--no one knows so well every foot of the broad field of argument. In her practised [sic] hand every weapon is ready on the instant, whether drawn from the armories of Scripture, history, literature, or politics. She reviewed the history of this movement from the beginning, paying warm tribute to the memory of its early advocates. She proved that for centuries the discontent, the indignant protest in the souls of women and in all noble minds, which has culminated in this movement, has formed an element which has been secretly surging and seething under the surface of society. These were no new wrongs or needs of ours, she said; the women of the past, of all ages, had felt them; we are only giving voice to them.A most eloquent letter from Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose was read, endorsing the convention. Also, one from William Lloyd Garrison.Mrs. Griffing, of Washington, spoke with remarkable earnestness and fervor, and was followed by Mrs. Hathaway, of, I believe, Boston. This lady said: "They say the majority shall rule. Well, there are, east of the Alleghanies, 400,000 more women than men. So the majority rule us."Upon the whole, I was quite willing to have this body of women orators and debaters compared with either of the great legislative bodies who meet over in yonder great marble temple of wisdom, eloquence, logic, and law.Mrs. Starritt, of Kansas, a bright, ruddy, rosy woman, made a good, practical speech on the influence of the franchise upon the domestic life of women.Mrs. Butler, of Vineland, N.J., made one of the most charming and womanly speeches, or talks, of the convention, recounting her experience as one of the gallant band of women who, at the late fall elections, made an imposing demonstration at the polls, in her lively and progressive town. Fearful threats had reached them of insult and violence, from rough boys and men; but they met with absolutely nothing of the kind, though they did not approach the polls like the Neapolitan heroine who voted for Victor Emanuel, with pistols and daggers in their belts and war medals on their breasts. They were made way for as respectfully as though they had been about to enter a church door. Of course, their votes were thrown out, but it would not always be so. They would hope on and vote on.Touching the reforms that women intend to bring about when they shall "come into the kingdom," she said, "We will rule liquor out of the country;" a declaration which at the present critical state of affairs, and in Washington, struck me as rather impolitic. "As to the question of woman first or the black man first," she said, "I mean both together;" evidently looking for a constitutional amendment gateway wide enough for the two to dash in abreast--neck-and-neck. "Oh! woman, great is thy faith!"This speaker related some sad stories, illustrative of woman's legal disabilities, and dwelt feelingly on the old, palpable, intolerable grievance of inequality of wages, and on the bars and restrictions which woman encounters at every turn, in her struggle for an honorable livelihood.In reply, Mrs. Mott, in her bright, sweet, deprecating way, cast a flood of sunlight on the dark pictures, by referring to the remodeling of the laws respecting the relations of husband and wife, in regard to property, and the right of the mother to her child, by the Legislatures of the various States, and especially by that of the state of New York.She referred also to the admirable colleges, schools of design, and libraries established, or about to be established, for women in Northern towns and cities; and spoke of the eminence of many female scholars and teachers in institutions wherein they compete with men. She spoke of ample fortunes made by women as physicians, artists, authors, orators, and merchants; among the latter, naming Mrs. Sarah Tyndale, of Philadelphia, and paying a graceful tribute to her noble memory. In conclusion, she said: "We must take a cheerful view of the past, be hopeful for the future, and be fair to the present."Miss Anthony followed in a strain not only cheerful, but exultant--reviewing the advance of the cause from its first despised beginning to its present position, where, she alleged, it commanded the attention of the world. She spoke in her usual pungent, vehement style, hitting the nail on the head every time and driving it in up to the head. Indeed, it seems to me, that while Lucretia Mott may be said to be the soul of this movement, and Mrs. Stanton the mind, the "swift, keen intelligence," Miss Anthony, alert, aggressive, and indefatigable, is its nervous energy--its propulsive force.Mrs. Stanton has the best arts of the politician and the training of the jurist, added to the fiery, unresting spirit of the reformer. She has a rare talent for affairs, management, and mastership. Yet she is in an eminent degree womanly, having an almost regal pride of sex. In France, in the time of the revolution or the first empire, she would have been a Roland or a De Stael.I will not attempt the slightest sketch of her closing speech, which was not only a powerful plea for disfranchised womanhood, but for motherhood. It was now impassioned, now playful, now witty, now pathetic. It was surpassingly eloquent, and apparently convincing, for the boldest and most radical brought from the great audience the heartiest applause.For this, I love the people. No great, brave, true thought can be uttered before an American audience without bringing a cordial and generous response. All are not ready, of course, to carry into action, into life, legislation, and law the sentiments of liberty and justice they applaud; but they feel that somewhere, in some nameless Utopia far away, such things might be lived out. Thank Heaven that Utopia is the possible of humanity--a real, practical condition of our mortal life--only a little way before us, perhaps.Many good, refined people turn a cold shoulder on this cause of Woman's Rights because their religious sentiment, or their taste, is shocked by the character or appearance of some of its public advocates. They say: "If we were only to see at their conventions that Quaker gentlewoman, Lucretia Mott, with her serene presence; Mrs. Stanton, with her patrician air; Miss Anthony, with her sharp, intellectual fencing; Lucy Stone, with her sweet, persuasive argument and lucid logic--it were very well; but to their free platform bores, fanatics, and fools are admitted, to elbow them and disgust us."I suppose that such annoyances, to use a mild term, necessarily belong to a free platform, and that freedom of speech is one of the most sacred rights--especially to woman. Yet I think some authority there should be to exclude or silence persons unfit to appear before an intelligent and refined audience--some power to rule out utterly, and keep out, ignorant or insane men and women who realize some of the worst things falsely charged against the leaders of this movement.I allude to certain anomalous creatures, in fearful hybrid costumes, who, a-thirst for distinction, and not possessing the brain, culture, or moral force to acquire it, content themselves with a vulgar notoriety, gained by the defiance of social laws, proprieties, and decencies, by measureless assumption and vanity, and by idiotic eccentricity of dress.This must be a strong cause if it can carry the weight of such advocates; it must be a great, serious case, not to be affected by the ridicule such partisans provoke.Grace Greenwood.MRS. STANTON IN ST. LOUISStaffThe RevolutionMRS. STANTON IN ST. LOUISThe Germans of Missouri are captivated both by the argument and the womanly dignity and manner of Mrs. Stanton. The following, translated from the Westliche Post, is but a specimen of their commendatory expression:Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the apostle of Woman Suffrage, came yesterday from the great Chicago Convention and was received in East St. Louis by a Committee of the Woman's Rights' Society of that place.In the evening she spoke at the Mercantile Library on the recently so much beloved, and so well ventilated theme, "Woman Suffrage." She was dressed in black, and wore a red shawl loosely around her shoulders. It cannot be denied that Mrs. Stanton is a very elegant speaker for the rights of woman. Her statements are clear and logical, and so far from being uninteresting, are spiced with striking remarks and brilliant wit. We must confess that to us they are convincing.Her whole appearance is still more eloquent than her words. She is of an advanced age, natural curls of snow white hair, frame her mild, beautiful face. Her whole manner expresses dignity and repose, a gentleness and mildness which are all the more an agreeable surprise, as one naturally expects to find women of such tendencies, either yellow and thin, or morose old maids, or at least without beauty, because of their unwomanly predilections which are void of all charm.Mrs. Stanton is the mother of five sons. On their account she wants the dram shops closed, and thinks if woman had the right to vote, this great work would be sooner accomplished.Mrs. Stanton spoke of the long acknowledged and well established fact, that the social intercourse of the sexes is very advantageous to both. She said that woman should be so educated that man, whether he wishes or not, will ascend the ladder of intelligence. She explained that every being dependent on another for support, is a slave, therefore woman to-day is a slave. The only means for a radical emancipation is to invest her with equal rights with man. She spoke of woman's being denied the right to her just wages. The housework (in her own family) is not taken into the account. The husband asserts that he earns all, while it is true that woman contributes as well, to the support of the family by her administration of the house department, and therefore she should claim equal rights with man.The lecture, which was dignified throughout, was received by the audience with decided approbation, and the speaker was often interrupted with loud applause.We are convinced that if woman had mere such eloquent intercessors as Mrs. Stanton, her claims for equal rights would be recognized (if not immediately) at no distant day.Equal RightsStaffNew York TimesEqual Rights.Anniversary of the American Equal Rights Association.Spirited Debate on Questions of Reform.Manhood Suffrage, National Suicide--Female Enfranchisement Our Only Safety.Full Recognition of the Labor Movement.Steinway Hall was nearly filled, yesterday morning, by an audience assembled to witness the exercises attendant upon the anniversary of the American Equal Rights Association. The majority of the auditors were females. Seated on the state were the lights of the Women's Rights movement, of both sexes, and a number of those who are known to the country as prominent ultra-Abolitionists. Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton presided over the meeting. The exercises were opened with prayer by Mrs. Hanaford. She supplicated the Throne of Grace that the time might speedily come when there would be known no distinction among citizens of this Republic either as to color or sex, so far as the exercise of political rights is concerned; and that women everywhere throughout the country would be brought to realize the necessity devolving on them of becoming citizens. Mrs. Stanton then made a few remarks as to the objects sought to be attained by the Association; it was an organization based on true republicanism. Republicanism had never yet had full sway in this country. There had been for a long time an aristocracy of caste, and there yet existed an aristocracy of sex. Both these must fall before the Government would be on a firm and enduring basis. The women of Europe were looking to their sisters in America to lead in the pathway of reform in the matter of suffrage, and it became the American women not to disappoint these expectations.The Treasurer's annual report was then read, from which it appeared that there had been received $1,745.97, and that the expenditures amounted to the same sum--leaving nothing in the treasury.Mrs. Lucy Stone then read the report of the Executive Committee, giving an account of the labors of the Association in the various States during the past year, after which the Committees were appointed.The Committees having retired, Rev. O.B. Frothingham was introduced to the audience. After alluding to the fact that an increased interest was being taken by the women of the nation in the matter of securing woman suffrage, he said that this is the important question of the age. Woman, he contended, had as much interest in the Government as man; she had her stake in her husband, her children, her home; and it could not be a matter of indifference to her who wielded the powers of Government. People thought that the Government of this State might be better if some 40,000 or 50,000 voters could be disfranchised, and as many women enfranchised in their stead.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton differed with Mr. Frothingham as to disfranchisement. She did not believe in taking away from any one the right of suffrage to bestow it on another. All should be enfranchised, without distinction as to color or sex. March 16, 1869, she said, will be memorable in all coming time as the day when Hon. Geo. W. Julian submitted a joint resolution to Congress to enfranchise the women of the Republic, by proposing a Sixteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, which reads as follows:Article 16. The right of suffrage in the United States shall be based on citizenship, and shall be regulated by Congress; and all citizens of the United States, whether native or naturalized, shall enjoy this right equally without any distinction or discrimination whatever founded on sex.Since our famous bill of rights was given to the world, declaring all men equal, there has been no other proposition, in its magnitude, beneficence and far-reaching consequences, so momentous as this. The fundamental principle of our Government, the equality of all citizens of the Republic as specified in this amendment, should be incorporated in the Federal Constitution, there to remain forever. The speaker demanded the adoption of the proposed amendment for various reasons. First, because a Government based on the caste and class principle cannot stand. Governments based on every form of aristocracy, on every degree and variety of inequality, had been tried in despotisms, monarchies and republics, and all alike have perished. Her other reasons for making this demand were: Because when manhood suffrage is established from Maine to California, woman will have reached the lowest depths of political degradation. Manhood suffrage is national suicide and woman's destruction. Every consideration of patriotism, as well as personal safety, warns the women of the Republic to demand their speedy enfranchisement. She would press the Sixteenth Amendment, because the history of American statesmanship did not inspire her with confidence in man's capacity to govern the nation alone with justice and mercy. "Manhood suffrage" creates an antagonism everywhere between educated, refined women and the lower orders of men, especially at the South, where the slaves of yesterday are the lawmakers of to-day. It not only rouses woman's prejudices against the negro, but his hostility and contempt for her. Just as the Democratic Party cry of a white man's Government created the antagonism between the Irishman and the negro, culminating in the New-York riots of 1863, so the Republican cry of "manhood suffrage" creates an antagonism between black men and all women, and must culminate in fearful outrages on womanhood, especially in the Southern States. All this talk about woman being too good, too pure, too exalted to vote, is the sheerest hypocrisy; it is a sham and a fraud, for our customs, laws and opinions all harmonize with the idea of degradation. We see something more in the ballot "than a slip of paper dropped into a box once a year, to choose a county sheriff." It has a deeper significance. It is the recognition of the civil, political and social equality of the citizen. It is throwing aside the badge of degradation for the shield of sovereignty, an unknown signature for the seal of the State.Rev. Antoinette Brown Blackwell then made a few remarks in opposition to Mr. Frothingham's disfranchisement theory, after which Miss Peckham, from the Committee on Nominations, reported the following-named persons to fill the offices for the ensuing year:President--Lucretia Mott.Vice-Presidents--At Large--Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Ernestine L. Rose; Maine, John Neal; New-Hampshire, Armenia White; Vermont, James Hutchinson, Jr.; Massachusetts, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Julia Ward Howe; Rhode Island, Elizabeth B. Chase; Connecticut, Isabella B. Hooker; New-York, Henry Ward Beecher, Fred. Douglass, Martha C. Wright; New-Jersey, Portia Gage; Pennsylvania, Robert Purvis; Delaware, Thomas Garrett; Maryland, Ellen M. Harris; Virginia, John C. Underwood; North Carolina, Mrs. J. K. Miller; South Carolina, M. Pilsbury; Texas, Elizabeth Wright; Florida, Mrs. Dr. Hawkes; Minnesota, Mrs. Harriet Bishop; Arizona, Hon. A.P.K. Safford, District Columbia, Josephine S. Griffing; Tennessee, Hon. Guy Wines; Missouri, Francis Miner, Mrs. Sturgeon; Kansas, Hon. Charles Robinson; Wisconsin, Governor Fairchild, Mme. Anneke; Iowa, Hon. Mr. Loughridge; Illinois, Mary A. Livermore; Indiana, George W. Julian; Ohio, Hon. B.F. Wade; Michigan, Gilbert Haven; Oregon, Rev. Aaron L. Lindsley; California, J.H. Moore; Nevada, Hon. J. Nye; Montana, Hon. James H. Ashley.Executive Committee--Elizabeth Richards Tilton, Lucy Stone, Edwin A. Stedwell, Susan B. Anthony, Antoinette Brown Blackwell, T. W. Higginson, Anna C. Field, Edward S. Bunker, Abby Hutchinson Patton, Oliver Johnson, Elizabeth Smith Miller, Margaret K. Winchester, Edward Cromwell, Robert J. Johnston, Mary F. Davis.Corresponding Secretaries--Mary E. Gage, Harriet Purvis.Recording Secretary--Henry B. Blackwell.Treasurer--John J. Marritt.The question was put on adopting the report of the Committee, but, before the result could be announced, Mr. S. S. Foster rose and objected to the names of Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony on the ground that the paper published by them (the Revolution) stigmatized the Fifteenth Amendment as "infamous," and advocated "educated," not impartial suffrage, and indorsed George Francis Train, who ridiculed the negro. He said, also, that Miss Anthony's disbursement of the money of the Association was not satisfactory--that she kept no books.To this Miss Anthony replied that a statement of the receipts and disbursements had been sent, item by item, to the Committee of Auditors in Boston, who had pronounced the account correct, and transmitted to her a check for $1,000.Some excitement arose at this point, Mrs. Stanton declaring Mr. Foster out of order. She put the question to the audience whether he should be allowed to proceed, but the vote was in the negative, and shortly afterward Mr. Foster sat down, having previously declared his determination to retire from the meeting. The ticket reported by the Committee was then elected, there being only one vote in the negative.Fred. Douglass then addressed the audience. He came there, he said, no so much to speak as to listen. He had listened with pleasure to the preceding speakers. He was especially pleased with that portion of Mrs. Stanton's address wherein she declared herself in favor of not partial, but universal suffrage. For this declaration, if for no other reason, she deserved the highest position in this movement, and she would have it whether elected or not. In the eyes of the whole country she would always occupy it. As to the course of the Revolution, he thought there was ground for criticism. With the negro the right to exercise the suffrage was a matter of life and death; his existence depended upon it. Because the negro had no political power, he had been, in New-York and New-Orleans, hunted like a wild beast; he had been torn from his home and hung to the lamp-post by an infuriated mob; the negro mother had seen her babe torn from her breast and its brains dashed out against the lamp-post, while she, sometimes killed, and often making a narrow escape from death, had to seek safety in flight. All this was done to the negro simply because he was black. Woman had suffered nothing of this kind. When she is shot down by the Kuklux, or hung to a lamp-post at every turn, simply for being a woman, then he was willing to admit there would be something like an equality of urgency between her and the negro in the matter of having extended to them the right of suffrage. (Some one in the audience here asked the speaker if everything he had said of the outrages toward the negro was not equally true of negro women?)To this Mr. Douglass replied affirmatively, but it was not because they were women, but because they were black. [Applause.] He believed in woman suffrage, but in negro suffrage first, because to the negro the interest involved was greater than that connected with woman's right to the ballot. He did not altogether like the manner in which Mrs. Stanton had spoken of some classes of voters. He objected to the use of the terms "Sambo," and "Paddy," and "Hans," and "bootblack" and "ditcher," in contrast with those whom she styled "The daughters of Washington and Jefferson." All the women were "daughters of Washington and Jefferson," while he was "Sambo;" he had blacked boots, he had dug ditches. This, however, was only a little good natured criticism. Let all come in; let all have equal rights and equal political privileges. Let nothing be said here that will cast the slightest stigma on useful labor; let nothing be said against the ditcher and the bootblack. He had been among these, and knew there was a depth of humanity there. Let it be remembered that the bootblack who stands at your street corners, poor and humble though he be, has that within him which may make the world his debtor for gifts and for graces.Miss Susan B. Anthony remarked, that what woman desired was the right to earn her living in any honest avocation she saw fit to follow. Under the present system, she was dependent on father, brother, or husband, for her livelihood; this destroyed her independence. The ballot was a necessity to woman, if she would rise to a higher and more ennobling future.Mrs. Norton, in reply to Mr. Douglass's advocacy of the priority of the negro suffrage question, said that she thought the Government could consider two questions at the same time, when both were founded on truth and the law of eternal justice.Miss Lucy Stone thought the question of priority should never have been introduced into this discussion. The only foundation on which they could stand with regard to this matter was that laid down by the sires of the American Revolution--that Government derives its just power from the consent of the governed. After referring to the unequal operation of the law on man and woman, she spoke of the corruption that existed in both Federal and State Governments. Every masculine effort had been expended in the attempt to secure honest legislation, now let us try woman's political influence as a last resort. Put the ballot into the hands of the 1,000,000 women of the nation, and the politics of the country would be purified and a happier future await the Union. She did not believe, however, in taking a mournful view of the matter. She thought the day of woman's independence was breaking; that in some States, at least, women would vote for President in 1872. Success was sure to crown woman's effort to obtain the ballot, because her demands were founded on the principle of eternal justice.At the close of Miss Stone's remarks the meeting adjourned to be convened again at 7:30 o'clock P.M.EVENING SESSIONThe evening session commence at 8 o'clock, the hall being about three-fourths full. Dr. Wm. B. Blackwell read a series of resolutions to the effect that the extension of suffrage to women is essential to the public safety and to the establishment of a permanence of free institutions; that in seeking to remove the legal disabilities which now oppress woman as a wife and mother, the friends of woman suffrage are not seeking to destroy the sanctity of the marriage relation, but to ennoble it by making the obligations and responsibilities of the contract mutual and equal for husband and wife; that the petition of 200,000 women to Congress asking for suffrage ought to silence the cavil of our opponents that "women do not desire suffrage," that the convention hails the report of the Special Committee, just rendered to the Massachusetts Legislature, in favor of woman suffrage, as a fresh evidence of the growth of public sentiment in its favor; that the Convention recommends the men and women of every ward, town, county and State to form local associations for creating and organizing public sentiment in favor of woman suffrage, and to take every possible means to effect woman's enfranchisement.Mrs. A. L. Blackwell was then introduced as the first speaker. She referred to the character of Margaret Fuller as a fitting type of womanhood, and mentioned the names of Mrs. Stanton, Miss Hosmer, Alice Carey, and many others, as proofs of the power and talents of women. If it was admitted, she said, as it generally is, that woman has an influence for good, surely it is our duty to extend that influence by granting her a voice in electing our legislators. She was glad to be able to say that the movement is progressing, and, as it belongs to the social progress of the time, it must make headway.Miss Olive Logan spoke next. She said she should define her position in regard to this woman's rights question. She believed in the ability of woman to advance boldly, and set some things right in politics which are now wrong; but she was not ready yet to see women wearing trowsers or men wearing petticoats. She said farewell to the mimic stage four years ago for good and sufficient reasons. As an actress she had earned more money with less labor than ever since; but she had a desire for literature, she found that in this profession she could earn as much as men did, and this being so, she felt no interest in the woman question, for it did not touch her. One day, however, she wrote a lecture, and one night she delivered it, and she found soon afterward that there was a prejudice against women giving lectures. Miss Logan then spoke of a friend of hers who had been suddenly left almost penniless. She had turned her attention to teaching, but that scarcely provided her with bread. Her friend had asked, should she go on the stage? To this she had answered "No." For its demoralizing influences are daily increasing, and its prizes are carried off by brazen-faced, painted and padded clog-dancers, while true artists are left to starve. These questions, she said, had aroused her mind. The woman question is the question of the hour, and she would work with others to a common end--the enfranchisement of women. The best men in the land were already with them on this question. [Applause.]Miss Phoebe W. Cozzens, of St. Louis, Mo., was the next speaker. Her soul, she said, was moved with indignation when she read the laws relating to women, and she had resolved to devote her life to their repeal. Unlike the erudite chairman of a committee appointed to consider the woman question in Missouri, she did not believe in the right of man to rule. Our claim for freedom is a spurious one, until freedom of action is secured for every living soul. America is almost the only country where the rights of women are not recognized. In England, Ireland, Scotland, and even Austria, women vote and hold office, under certain restrictions. Here women are taxed on millions of property, but are not allowed a vote. Our present form of Government is represented by power alone--wisdom and goodness, which should be the corner-stones, are wanting, and as a consequence the structure is tumbling from battlement to foundation stone. Place the ballot in woman's hand and the love element in our government, and we should at once get rid of much that is now evil, and give woman at least one means of protecting herself. In conclusion, she said, she pleaded for her whole disfranchised sisterhood, and besought a calm and unprejudiced consideration of the question.Mr. Livermore, of Chicago, editor of the Agitator, told of what women had done during the dark days of the war, and spoke in severe terms of Senators McDougall, of California, and Salisbury, of Delaware, as persons unfit to hold the positions to which they had been elected.The convention then adjourned to 10 A.M. to-day.Equal RightsStaff New York TimesEqual Rights.Another Interesting Debate by the Female Suffrage Agitators.Moral Maps and Celestial Kites.Proposition to Throw the Negro Overboard and Advocate Only Woman Suffrage.The Equal Rights Association began its second day's session at Steinway Hall, at 10:30 A.M., yesterday. As on Wednesday, the audience was very large, the greater proportion of the auditors being ladies. The proceedings were of a livelier character than those of the first day, and the friendly tilts that took place between the speakers were highly enjoyed by the spectators. The business was opened by the reading of letters sympathizing with the woman's rights cause from John Stuart Mill, William Lloyd Garrison, Hon. John. A. Griswold and others. Miss Lucy Stone then spoke briefly and eulogistically of the action of Mrs. Frances D. Gage and 172 women in Vineland, N.J., who, at the last Presidential election, marched to the polls and demanded that their votes should be received.Miss Anthony then read a letter from Mrs. Marie Gorgy, of Geneva, Switzerland, President of the International Association of Women, asking the cooperation of the women of America in securing for their European sisters equal rights with men. The Convention thereupon resolved that an address be sent from the women of America to the women of Europe, setting forth the sympathy of the former with the latter in their efforts.Miss Anthony gave a history of the obstacles she encountered in establishing the Revolution newspaper, and lauded George Francis Train for having furnished her with the necessary pecuniary means in this respect. She considered him as almost sent by God for that purpose, and cared not what his opinions on other subjects were. She then read the prospectus of a new paper, the Neue Zeit, to be started in the West to advocate woman's rights among the German population. The Finance Committee then, by request of Miss Anthony, passed through the audience to collect funds to keep the Association afloat during the coming year.At this juncture there came to the front of the stage an individual, named Barnes, who hailed from Michigan, and who commenced an incoherent rambling speech concerning woman's rights, the abolition of capital punishment, national debt, vegetarianism and several other isms, the adoption of which he deemed essential to the well-being of humanity. He unrolled in view of the audience a large map, having on its face several forms and figures, which were hieroglyphics to the audience, but which he would explain, so that they might learn how to progress in the way of goodness, virtue and reform. Much confusion took place when the erratic individual's vagaries were discovered, and there were loud cries of "Sit down," "Dry up," "Go on," &c., which seemed to disconcert the Michigander. Mrs. Stanton and several others gathered round him and besought him not to press his views on the audience, who had no desire to hear them, and finally he was persuaded to take a back seat, not until he had declared, however, that the designation "Equal Rights," as applied to the Convention, was a decided misnomer.Mr. J. W. Stellman, of Rhode Island, then addressed the audience, giving a summary of the legal disabilities under which women labored, in both the Old World and the New, and a history of the reformatory measures that have been enacted in her behalf.On motion of Mrs. Livermore, of Chicago, it was resolved that all future speeches should be limited to ten minutes each. Mrs. Livermore took occasion to say that she regretted to see that the reports of the Convention, as they appeared in the New-York papers, were garbled and inaccurate; and that there was an evident design on the part of the Press here to throw ridicule on the proceedings. When the Convention met in Chicago, no such spirit was manifested by the Press of that city; they all gave accurate reports of what was said and done; but the New-York reporters had put utterances into the mouths of speakers that were never uttered at all, and had represented, as being present and speaking, persons who were not present at all. There were now present parties taking notes of the doings of the Convention for fifteen Western newspapers, and the reports in those papers would be accurate and free from any attempt to throw ridicule on the actions of the meeting.Mrs. Stanton came forward in defence of the New-York reports; she knew that none of them would purposely falsify anything that might be said in the Convention; that they aimed at being accurate in their statements.Mrs. Livermore replied that she did not intend her remarks to apply to the reporters; they wrote just what they were bidden to write, what they were paid for writing; the fault did not lie with them, but with their employers.Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose remarked that, although Mrs. Livermore had much to say in favor of Chicago reporters, she begged that lady to remember that the praise was due to New-York, after all, as the best reporters in Chicago came from this city. To this Mrs. Livermore made a curt reply, and the discussion was dropped.Mrs. Dr. Mercy P. Jackson, of Boston, then expressed her delight at the progress the cause of woman's rights had made of late. The abolition of slavery was, in her opinion, an insignificant step in reform compared to woman suffrage. She narrated the obstacles that were thrown in her path while she was endeavoring to acquire a medical education, and urged all women to unite in removing the barriers that prevented the attainment of their full and perfect rights as the equals of men.Rev. Gilbert Haven, editors of Zion's Herald, was then introduced, but before he began to speak Fred. Douglass asked and obtained leave to read a set of resolutions. They were, in substance, that the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution, granting negro suffrage, was preeminent among all political reforms, and should be hailed as a step toward the attainment of the reform sought by this Convention--the securing of the ballot for women.Rev. Mr. Haven then addressed the audience, dwelling on the necessity of bringing to bear all the moral influences possible in the purification of our political system, and chief among these he regarded the influence of woman.It was then moved to adopt the resolutions offered by Mr. Douglass, whereupon Mr. Blackwell said he though the regular resolutions, presented to the Convention yesterday by the Committee on Resolutions, should first be acted on.Mr. Douglass did not like the phrase "regular." What resolutions, he asked, were regular? Those offered by him were before the Convention and could be acted on forthwith. He did not see why the Convention should postpone the consideration of them simply because a committee had others to offer.The question being put as to priority, however, the Convention decided to consider the resolutions of the Committee. The first and second of the series were adopted nem. Con. The third resolution, declaring that the Convention has no desire to lessen the sanctity of the marriage relation, created some discussion. Mrs. Livermore wanted it put in stronger language. At the West, she said, this woman's movement had to contend against the obloquy of being in favor of the free-love doctrine; she wanted this resolution to rebut that false charge to the fullest extent.Rev. Mrs. Blackwell, speaking on behalf of New England, agreed with Mrs. L. as to the necessity of making the resolution stronger on this point.Miss Lucy Stone thought the resolution and the whole discussion concerning it out of place. The subject should not even be hinted in this connection. If any one said that they women who urge this suffrage reform had any affiliation with the detestable doctrine of free love, let the lie stick in his throat. Let the women work on in their efforts to secure the ballot, regardless of this or any other falsehood that may be circulated against the cause.Mrs. E. L. Rose objected to the resolution on account of its being in effect a plea of guilty. If a man said to her he was not a thief, she would immediately look out for her pocket-book. The prominent workers in this movement had been before the nation a long time, and none dare assert that their moral characters were stained. It was not the thing now, after thirty-three years of toil, and when success was ready to crown their efforts, for the women who desired simply equal political rights for their sex to come out and voluntarily declare that they were not prostitutes.After further remarks by Miss Susan B. Anthony, the resolution was adopted. The other resolutions reported by the Committee were then voted on seriatim, and adopted.Dr. Blackwell then read the following, which had been added to the series by the Committee since yesterday:Resolved, That we recommend the men and women of every ward, town, county and State to form local associations for creating and organizing public sentiment in favor of suffrage for women, and to take every possible practical means to effect their enfranchisement.The resolution was adopted.Mrs. E.L. Rose offered a preamble and resolutions setting forth the inadequate pay received by workingwomen, and recommending the appointment of a Committee to report what measures are necessary for securing adequate compensation to women for labor performed; also, recommending the formation of cooperative societies to secure this result. The resolutions were adopted.Discussion here arose as to the adoption of the resolutions just referred to, many contending that the question on their adoption was not fairly understood by the Convention. Mrs. Livermore moved a reconsideration of the vote; she thought the subject out of place just now. Dr. Herber made a few remarks against reconsideration, when Mr. C. C. Burleigh came forward and attempted to state a point of order. He was interrupted, and confusion reigned throughout the hall. Burleigh stood his ground, however, and told the audience that he might teach them not only parliamentary tactics, but good manners. He was loudly hissed on making this remark, and the confusion grew more confounded. He refused to yield the floor to any one else, however, and after many attempts to speak, was finally successful in letting it be known that he favored the reconsideration. The question was then put, the vote reconsidered, and the resolutions were laid on the table.Mrs. Dr. Batchelor then read a series of resolutions adopted at a Workingwomen's Convention in Boston, declaring the pay received inadequate to pressing wants of the laboring females in that city. These resolutions, she said, were sent by the Boston women to their sisters of New-York, to show the deprivations they were compelled to suffer.It being no 1:30 o'clock, the Convention took a recess for an hour.Just as the audience was leaving a Mrs. Merton, of Boston, proceeded to read a long document, setting forth her plan for regenerating humanity. We learn that she pretends to have a celestial kite, by the study of which mankind may be enabled to enter the celestial realms. A crowd remained to listen and laugh at her; but finally she consented, at the request of several ladies, to cease her reading. At this juncture the Michigan man with the map, who was squelched in his efforts to set forth his theories during the meeting, presented himself, map in hand, and proceeded in the most incoherent manner to explain it. He contended that the Convention did not treat him fairly in refusing to hear him in the morning, and that they were unaware of how much they had lost in consequence, as he had the only plan whereby men and women could make the world "all serene," and perfect happiness be secured to every son and daughter of Adam. Seeing that his remarks provoked much laughter, however, he finally subsided, not forgetting to inform the crowd that they had now lost a knowledge of the only means whereby the national debt could be paid.AFTERNOON SESSION.The Convention met at 2:30 o'clock, and was first addressed by Miss Eillie Peckham, who ably reviewed the question of woman suffrage, and was loudly applauded.The resolutions of Mrs. Rose relative to woman's labor and cooperative societies were then taken from the table. The first resolution was stricken out, and the other, relative to cooperative societies, adopted.Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, being in the hall, Mrs. Stanton called on him to address the audience. He complied, and made a short speech, in which he said the cause had his hearty sympathy, and that when the Sixteenth amendment came up in Congress for action they might count on having his vote for it "first, last, and all the time."Mrs. Rose claimed that New-York and not Massachusetts should have the credit of having sown the seed of suffrage reform, as the effort in favor of women's rights began here in 1837. She disagreed from Rev. Mr. Haven, who said, this morning, that woman's rights were founded on the New Testament. That Testament was only 1,400 years old, but woman's rights were as old as woman herself.Mrs. Sarah Norton thought the question of the particular rights of working women had been postponed by the Convention unnecessarily; she would like to have it discussed now.Miss Anthony called on Mrs. Eleanor Kirk to give her experience in relation to the working women of New-York. That lady gave a resume of the efforts of the organization in this City, and also recounted the obstacles she had to contend with in seeking support for herself and children.Mrs. Mary F. Davis then addressed the Convention in regard to the duty of women in good circumstances toward their less fortunate sisters. They should use every effort to lift them out of the slough of despair in which they had fallen. Woman would never have her condition ameliorated until there were institutions for unfortunate mothers all over the land.Mr. Douglass' resolution being called up for action, Mrs. Paulina W. Davis said that she had a preference for the Sixteenth (Woman's suffrage) amendment over the Fifteenth (negro suffrage) amendment. She gave an account of her late experiences in Florida, where she had seen the lately-emancipated negroes. The negro men, she said, were a race of tyrants, like all men who are suddenly raised from servitude to freedom. The women were in advance of the men, intellectually, because, having been servants in their masters' houses, they had superior chances for learning. Many of the men whipped their wives. A man servant in her sister's house made this a practice every Sunday night.Fred. Douglass defended his resolutions in an earnest speech, as also did Mrs. Harper, (colored;) and Mrs. Stanton and Susan B. Anthony opposed their adoption. Considerable excitement and confusion arose toward the close of the session, the irrepressible C. C. Burleigh again making himself obnoxious and receiving a storm of hisses. Mrs. Livermore said she always had bragged on Chicago, and after this exhibition of turbulence among the audience she should brag on it more than ever. The resolutions were finally laid on the table, and the Convention adjourned to meet again in the Cooper Institute at 7:30 o'clock P.M.EVENING SESSIONThe evening session was held in the Cooper Institute, which was nearly filled. Mrs. Norton read a letter from Jules Favre, expressing sympathy with the cause and regretting his inability to be present.Mrs. Livermore, of Chicago, then gave a brief description of the life of Mme. Anneke, a German lady, who, with her husband, was identified with the German revolution of 1848. On the termination of the revolution Mme. Anneke started a newspaper, was banished, fled to France and subsequently to Switzerland, and just before the breaking out of the war here came to this country. She served on General Sigel's staff, was present in many battles, and rendered important service to the Union cause.Mme. Anneke was then introduced to the audience, and, after a brief address in English, spoke at some length in the German language.Rev. J.R. Lovridge, of New-Hampshire, told of the progress of the cause in his State. It was spreading, and would doubtless soon be the subject of as much enthusiasm there as it is here.Mme. De Hericant was next introduced, and spoke in the French language on the rights of women, the absolute equality of the sexes, and the necessity that women should be free. She concluded by offering a series of resolutions, inviting the women of all countries to form a grand league for the emancipation of women, and for the rendering of assistance to each other.Mrs. Stanton remarked that this, if carried out, would be the grand Congress of nations of which they had heard so much. Men settled their difficulties by killing each other. The women would settle theirs in a grand Congress.The resolution was adopted.Miss Ernestine L. Rose spoke next. She said they had full evidence that the world moves. Their cause had been greeted by thrilling words, both spoken and written, from England, France, Germany and Switzerland. She stood before them to claim representation for women. It was true that laws were being altered for the better, but it must be remembered that what one Legislature gives another may take away. There could be no safety to the rights of women until they possessed the ballot--until they could say, "We will not send to Congress any one who will not advocate our rights." She did not war with man, but with bad principles. Men had enacted laws that stamped degradation on their wives, sisters and daughters. Men had enacted laws for the man and the brother, but had not yet found out that there is a woman and a sister. She objected to the name of the Association, "Equal Rights." Congress evidently did not know what the word equal meant. She proposed to change the name to the "Woman's Franchise Association." About the meaning of this there could be no doubt whatever. She concluded by an earnest appeal for the ballot to be placed in the hands of woman. Until she possessed that little talisman there would be lying and cheating and roguery in the Government.Mrs. Norton then read a resolution changing the name of the Association to that of the "Woman's Suffrage Association." Miss Lucy Stone hoped the resolution would not be acted on at this meeting. She hoped they would wait until the black man had obtained suffrage. Until that time let their cry be "equal rights for all."The President stopped the discussion by announcing that the name of the Association could not be changed without a month's notice being given.Mrs. Norton moved that the notice be given.Miss Rose explained that she by no means meant to throw the black man overboard. She merely wanted the Association to have a name that could not be misunderstood. Dr. Blackwell said he had lately returned from the South, and had found the whites in favor of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution, but they objected to all whites being excluded from voting who had served in the rebel army.Mrs. Josephine Griffin, of Washington, spoke in favor of Mrs. Norton's resolution. Nothing could be lost by it and much might be gained.Mrs. Livermore, of Chicago, made a few remarks, in which she charged the audience with being insincere, and caring very little about the woman's rights question. For herself she had no wrongs to complain of, neither had the majority of the ladies on the platform; but they were actuated in this question by the wrongs of others. She spoke on behalf of the 50,000 unmarried women of Boston, and the 75,000 of New-York, who were dragging out a miserable existence in poverty, hunger, and dirt. The ballot might not remedy all woman's wrongs immediately, but it would place her in an independent position. The movement in favor of woman's rights was making good progress in the West. Next year they meant to send a petition to Congress with a million names appended.It was then announced that the next meeting of the Association will be held at 10 A.M., to-day, in the Academy of Music, Brooklyn, and after some vocal and instrumental music by the Hutchinson family, the Convention adjourned.MRS. STANTON IN THE NORTHWEST.StaffThe RevolutionMRS. STANTON IN THE NORTHWEST.Accounts from Mrs. Stanton in the Western journals show that her success as a Lyceum Lecturer is of the most enviable description. The Editor of the St. Paul (Minn.) Dispatch describes her appearance in that city thus:Very seldom is so fine an audience gathered in St. Paul as honored Mrs. Stanton's Lecture last evening. There was universal disappointment at the lady's misfortune whereby she was unable to give the lecture announced, but of course it was a casualty that could not have been avoided by any foresight of hers. She was not to blame that she was last evening compelled to stand up before a magnificent audience with no one of her three manuscript lectures. That she felt seriously annoyed at the mishap we very well know, for there were other contingencies than manuscripts hanging upon the fortunes of that trunk.But without manuscript and without her customary dress for such occasions, Mrs. Stanton stepped forward upon the stage, apparently as well at ease as she would be in a parlor. There was a general look of surprise as her white locks, giving her a somewhat venerable appearance, first came to the view of the audience. She looked so kind, however, so good and motherly and so womanly, that all were enchained at once. Seldom have we seen an audience more closely charmed by a public speaker. She talked so familiarly, so earnestly, so sensibly that none could fail to admire her. It was the language of a noble woman, who has reared a noble family of children, and who needs no praise of the hour to tickle or flatter her. She spoke concisely, seldom using a word in vain. Her points were quickly, sharply made, and commended themselves to the appreciation of the audience. Seldom, indeed, is a lecture given which is so free from clap-trap or sensational effect.We believe the large audience present last evening was charmed by the quiet strength and womanly grace of this leader of the Woman's Suffrage movement. Certain we are, that there was a general disappointment when she broke the spell and quietly withdrew from the platform. If all the lectures teach as much in so brief a time, we think there will be general satisfaction. Mrs. Stanton leaves a pleasant impression in St. Paul. We shall rejoice to hear of her grand and enthusiastic labors in behalf of the sex she so nobly and handsomely represents. She is at the head of a cause second only to that which Lloyd Garrison devoted his life to, and in which he triumphed at last."Mrs. Stanton Takes the Field."StaffThe Revolution"Mrs. Stanton Takes the Field."The Boston correspondence of the Springfield Republican, under the above heading, contains the following:Boston, Monday, January 31.The great event in feminine circles in this village for the past few days has been the sudden appearance and irresistible activity of Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the New York Revolutionist. Since Coriolanus "fluttered your Volsces in Corioli," there has not been such an eagle in a dove-cot seen in these parts. She first appeared nearly a week ago, and excited the first alarm by appearing uninvited at the Radical Club on Wednesday, and on the same evening at the anti-slavery festival. It was on the same day that the scene at the Tremont house took place, of which the Sunday World makes mention. In a group of people, as the story goes, a niece of Wendell Phillips, seeing that he took no notice of Mrs. Stanton, said, more than once, "Mr. Phillips, this is Mrs. Stanton,"--and then as Mrs. Stanton came forward with her hand extended, Mr. Phillips put both hands behind him, after the example of Dr. Johnson on a like occasion, drew back and refused to speak to the lady. She, nevertheless, on Thursday or Friday, went to Horticultural Hall to hear him speak. She was there again, yesterday, to hear Mr. Frothingham's lecture.On Saturday she was invited to dine with Mr. Bird's Club at George Young's and did go--sitting at the patriarch Frank's right hand, and meeting the arguments of the Club for and against Woman's Suffrage with a ready wit and perfect good humor, which excited admiration. Like her cousin, Gerrit Smith, she is at home in all companies, and has a genial way that is very taking. Probably she is the first woman who has ever dined at that renowned table, and her admission is an omen of the turn that Massachusetts politics are taking. It is generally allowed that a candidate or the representative of a cause is on his way to success in Massachusetts when he appears at Mr. Bird's club--and it is true that half the regular members of it are converts to the cause of Woman Suffrage, one of the latest being Dr. Loring. Speaker Jewell still holds out, but is expected soon to give in his adhesion.The occasion of Mrs. Stanton's visit here is to fulfill her engagements to lecture in New England. She finds Boston a convenient headquarters, and if she is aware how much commotion is caused by her presence she will be tempted to come again soon, I have no doubt. She spoke last night at the meeting of the working-women in Col. Greene's Hall, 815 Washington street, and seems to have made a good impression on the impatient and irascible women who complain so bitterly of Senator Sumner, Mrs. Howe and the Massachusetts poor laws. If she can keep on good terms with them or their aristocratic patron, Col. Greene, she will show herself a more remarkable woman than ever.Miss Anthony's ReceptionStaffThe RevolutionMiss Anthony's ReceptionThe entire press of this city have dealt so kindly by our Proprietor in their reports of the gathering on Tuesday evening, we are glad to express our obligation to them by republishing their notices; and we are quite sure friends abroad will pardon us for crowding out original matter for this purpose.From the New York WorldMISS ANTHONY'S BIRTHDAY--CELEBRATION OF SUSAN'S SEMI-CENTENNIAL--GRAND GATHERING AT THE WOMAN'S BUREAU.Miss Susan B. Anthony is again the Moses of her sex. She has perpetrated a daring innovation in regard to that subject which has hitherto been with woman the most sacred and inviolate. No more talk of women of certain or uncertain age. Susan squarely owns up to fifty; and henceforth the sterner sex need have no compunction in discussing the ages of their female friends. This act of Susan's marks an era in the woman's movement more singular and portentous than any that has preceded it. How delicate has hitherto been the question of a lady's age? Who should venture to decide the number of decades, even, that have brought their summers' splendor and their winters' frost to freight the memory of the women they loved or loved not. But nous avons change tout cela--or rather Miss Anthony has. A lady's age is no longer to remain a matter of uncertainty. The illusions of doubt shall be expelled, and much good may it do to those who dispel them.A large number of friends and admirers of the private virtues and public services of Miss Anthony assembled at the Woman's Bureau in Twenty-third street last evening to congratulate the lady upon this auspicious anniversary, and to wish her the customary "Many happy returns of the day." The parlors were dazzling with light, the atmosphere laden with perfume, the walls covered with beautiful works of art, and the sweet sounds of woman's laughter and silvery prattle filled the apartments.Miss Susan B. Anthony stood at the top of the staircase to receive her numerous friends. She wore a dress of rich shot silk, dark red and black, cut square in front, with a stomacher of white lace and a pretty little cameo brooch. All female vanities she rigorously discarded--no hoop, no train, no bustle, no panier, no chignon, no powder, no paint, no rouge, no patches, no nonsense of any kind. But there was one female weakness to which even Susan must yield. Like Miss Blimber, she appeared with a new pair of gold spectacles. And from her kindly eyes, and from her gentle lips, there beamed out the sweetest smiles to all those loving friends, who admiring her really admirable efforts in the cause of human freedom, her undaunted heroism amidst a dark and gloomy warfare, were glad to press her hand and show their appreciation of her character and achievements.Mrs. Phelps, too, reviewed with delight the troops of friends who filled the parlors. She was draped in an elegant silk of small white and black strips, richly trimmed with black lace. "I am glad to see so many of our friends here to do honor to Susan," said a friend on entering the drawing-room."Ah," said Mrs. Phelps, "and I too. She is the Damascus blade of the whole woman movement."Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker took a conspicuous part in the proceedings. She was dressed in gray silk, trimmed with white lace; her hair was dressed in natural curls; and the lady looked as charming as could be.Mrs. Allen, of Jamestown, was dressed in rich fawn-colored satin, with an elegant white lace shawl; hair powdered, and decorated with pearls. This lady had a most distinguished appearance. Her daughter, Mrs. Black, was dressed in green silk trimmed with white chenille; hair in long flowing curls, with chignon, and diamonds.Mrs. Dr. Lozier was dressed in black velvet, en train.Mrs. Randall appeared to great advantage in a rich black velvet dress and train; low-cut bodice bordered with lace.Mrs. Munson was dressed in rose-colored satin trimmed with white lace, and diamond ornaments.Mrs. Blake was dressed in lavender silk richly trimmed with lace; diamond ornaments.Mrs. Sarah Fisher Ames was dressed in a black silk spotted with yellow satin flowers, lace shawl, and coral ornaments.Mrs. Theodore Tilton was dressed in violet satin, short skirt, and panier, trimmed with black lace.Among the gentlemen present were Mr. Samuel E. Sewell, of Boston; Professor Lyman, Mr. Conant, Mr. Munson, Junius Henri Brown, Mr. Fred. Moulton, Robert J. Johnston, Henry Raymond, Dr. Walker, etc.Miss Anthony, in the course of the day, had received many pleasant notes and telegrams from her friends. Lilie Peckham, of Wisconsin, sent her the following:Utah and Wyoming are ours. Wisconsin soon will be. Greeting and congratulation to Susan B. Anthony, the heroine of the hour.The birthday presents Miss Anthony received were almost too numerous to mention. In the gentleman's reception parlor was pointed out a stand of rare and exquisite flowers, sent by Mrs. R. W. Pearsall, of Long Island. And, by the by, it is as well to remark that Miss Anthony wore a beautiful boquet [sic] of roses, the present of another friend. Mr. Meeker, of the Tribune, sent her a complete set of the works of Margaret Fuller. A very handsome pen and ink sketch was sent by Eliza Greatorex. Lucretia Mott sent her a handsome pocket-book, the contents of which, whether checks, greenbacks, or weighty gold, one need not stop to inquire. Miss Sarah Johnston presented Miss Anthony with an elegant gold watch, chain, and pin. There were smaller presents in infinite variety; and, altogether, Miss Anthony had just cause to feel delighted with the souvenirs that came to her laden with the good wishes of her friends.At about 9:30, when the rooms were quite crowded, Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker called the meeting to order, and opened the proceedings by announcing that Mrs. Ann. T. Randall would read a poem from Miss Phoebe Cary.MISS CARY'S POEMWe touch our caps, and place to-nightThe victor's wreath upon her,The woman who outranks us allIn courage and in honor.While others in domestic broilsHave proved by word and carriageThat one of the United StatesIs not the state of marriage.She, caring not for loss of men,Nor for the world's confusion,Has carried on a civil warAnd made a "Revolution."True, other women have been brave,When banded or hus-banded,But she has bravely fought her wayAlone and single-handed.And think of her unselfish strife,Her generous disposition,Who never made a lasting propOut of a proposition.She might had chosen an honored name,And none had scorned or hissed it:Have written Mrs. Jones or Smith,But, strange to say, she Missed it.For fifty years to come may sheGrow rich and ripe and mellow,Be quoted even above "par,""Or any other fellow;"And spread the truth from pole to pole,And keep her light a-burning,Before she cuts her stick to goTo where there's no returning.Because her motto grand hath beenThe rights of every human,And first and last, and right or wrong,She takes the part of woman."A perfect woman, noble planned,"To aid, not to amuse one;Take her for all in all, we ne'erShall see the match of Susan.After various other exercises, including the reading of poems and letters and delightful recitations, by Mrs. Ames, Mrs. Randall, Professor Lyman and Miss Clara Norris, there were calls for the recipient of all these compliments. Miss Anthony came forward and was received with loud applause. She said if this were an assembled mob or a convention which declared that women should not vote and speak, my tongue would be loosed, and I should know what to say. I never made a speech except to set people to work. So soon as cultivated women come up and are ready to do the speaking, I shall fall back. My work is that of subsoil plowing. But I have before me a number of elegant and educated women who know how to speak and reason upon these things; women who write, and sing, and utter in public those sentiments and ideas of whose truth they are inwardly convinced. The public taste demands this too; the public demands the discussion of women's rights everywhere on the lecture platform, and will hardly admit the discussion of any other topic. With the tide thus rising in favor of the equal rights of women, I can only stand dumb before you. Yet still I will ask you to work heartily for the cause. The women of Wyoming and Utah already have the ballot; that has been decided. But what is the state of things in New York? Here the women are told that they must go down into John Morrissey's district and beg the ballot of his constituency, if they want to have a part in the government. I ask you, then, as your best testimony of my services on this, the twentieth anniversary of my public work, to join me in making a demand on Congress for a Sixteenth Amendment giving women the right to vote. And then to go with me before the State Legislatures to secure its ratification, and when the Secretary of State proclaims that that amendment has been ratified by twenty-eight states then Susan B. Anthony will stop work--but not before.Mrs. Randall, of Oswego, being called upon to do something towards entertaining the guests, recited a piece entitled "The Chiming of the Bells," intended to illustrate the different tones of the bells of churches of various religious sects, and the language they would use in summoning worshippers, could they speak. The rendering of the piece was very effective and charming, and Mrs. Randall received more than her share of applause.The "closet scene" from "Hamlet" followed; Professor Lyman taking the part of the melancholy Dane, while Miss Clara Norris, who has appeared several times at the theatre of the Union League Club, personated Queen Gertrude. The parts were both well taken; the efforts of Miss Norris being especially commended. This lady intends soon giving up readings altogether and going on the stage. She will visit Boston in a few days for the purpose of carrying out this plan.During the evening the ladies were invited to take the gentlemen down stairs and offer them some refreshments. A handsome cake was especially recommended on the ground that it was made by a country schoolmistress. Ice cream and confectionery were also passed around, and the scene in the diningroom was both social and pleasant. One gentleman of an inquiring turn of mind, noticing a vase of cigar-lighters on the mantel, became horrified at the idea of the ladies of the "Bureau" smoking, but on being informed that the room was occupied by Parker Pillsbury, recovered his equanimity.From the New York TribuneCareful readers of the Tribune have probably succeeded in discovering that we have not always been able to applaud the course of Miss Susan B. Anthony. Indeed, we have often felt, and sometimes said, that her methods were as unwise as we thought her aim undesirable. But through these years of disputation and struggling, Miss Anthony has thoroughly impressed friends and enemies alike with the sincerity and earnestness of her purposes; and the pleasant little gathering, last night, at the Woman's Bureau to celebrate her fiftieth birthday, as reported elsewhere, has, in this light, an interest for many who have small sympathy with the Woman Suffrage movement.THE SEMI-CENTENARY OF THE WOMAN'S BUREAU.MISS ANTHONY'S BIRTHDAY PARTY.Fifty years ago the full moon of Suffrage rose in the small, red and wrinkled countenance of the infant Susan B. Anthony. "Agitation is the word," says Miss Anthony in these, her later years. Agitation was probably the word then, as a happy family surrounded the cradle of the boisterous phenomenon. Miss Anthony has compressed into her half century a deal of work, talk, hurry and resolution. Beginning with the Women's Temperance Conventions in 1848, she has strewn the gliding years with organizations, societies, conventions innumerable, to the wonderment, if not always to the admiration, of an observant world. "Through all these years," remarks Mrs. E. C. Stanton, "Miss Anthony was the connecting link between me and the outer world--the reform scout who went to see what was going on in the enemy's camp, and returning with maps and observations to plan the mode of attack.Whenever we saw a work to be done, we would together forge our thunderbolts in the form of resolutions, petitions, appeals, and speeches on every subject--uniformly accepting every invitation to go everywhere and at everything." It has been intimated that Miss A. has not remained sweet Dian's notary (vote-ry?) in maiden meditation fancy free, because nobody asked her to change her name and station. Many victims, we are told, are carrying crushed hearts and blighted hopes through life, and all because of the unrelenting cruelty exercised by this usually good-humored woman toward the whole male sex.Miss Anthony's birthday was celebrated last evening, at the Woman's Bureau, formally, brilliantly and picturesquely. The parlors were crowded with earnest friends, who came prepared to testify, poetically and substantially, their appreciation of Miss A.'s character and actions. Among the guests were Mr. and Mrs. Samuel E. Sewall, Boston, the queenly sculptor, Mrs. Ames, Mrs. Isabella B. Hooker, Junius Henri Browne, Mrs. Mary F. Gilbert, Dr. Orsina Fowler Smith, Mrs. Dr. Clemence Lozier, Mrs. Langdon, and Mrs. Anna T. Randall. Mrs. Phelps assisted Miss Anthony in receiving her guests with graceful cordiality. Miss A. was attired in a pretty silk frock presented by Miss Anna E. Dickinson, and seemed both touched and pleased by the congratulations of her friends.Numerous substantial gifts in the shape of checks, etc., attested the sincerity of these expressions.Mrs. Hooker read a few lines addressed to Miss A. by her husband, who styles the subject of his pen, "the maiden Mars." Said Miss Susan, smiling pleasantly, "I suppose you expect me to blush now." "Oh, no," said Mrs. Hooker, "the reporters will take care of that."The following verse came from the lips of the versatile Mrs. Bronson:Though from all diseases we try to be free,This contagion you'll covet with me,Though it seems paradoxical, let us desireThat we all may catch St. Anthony's Fire.From the New York Sun.MISS ANTHONY'S BIRTHDAY.--A BRAVE OLD MAID RECEIVING HER FRIENDS' SUBSTANTIAL CONGRATULATIONS.Miss Susan B. Anthony, having had the courage to acknowledge herself fifty years of age, a committee of her friends planned a little entertainment in her honor last evening at the Women's Bureau in East Twenty-third street. Notwithstanding the wet weather, the handsome parlors of the Bureau were well filled.From the New York Times.MISS ANTHONY'S BIRTHDAY.--FIFTY YEARS OF LIFE AND TWENTY OF WORK--A PLEASANT GATHERING AT THE WOMAN'S BUREAU--LETTERS, POETRY, DECLAMATION AND A SPEECH.We are familiar with the story of the man who boasted that he had written an anonymous letter and signed it with his own name. Imitating his illustrious example, the ladies of the Woman's bureau planned a surprise party to celebrate Miss Anthony's fiftieth birthday, and kindly prepared their victim for the shock. Birthdays, it may be well to mention, are both honorable and ancient institutions. They run back to a time whence "the memory of man runneth not to the contrary." It was eminently fitting that Miss Anthony should have one, and may be taken as a symbol of the equality of the sexes, in this one respect at least. Miss Anthony, moreover, bears her fifty summers lightly. Whatever our sentiments maybe as to the cause she advocates, we do full justice to her restless energy and activity and unswerving fidelity to her principles. Charming and cordial in her manners, with kind words for all, she welcomed each guest last evening and set them at once at home and at ease. * * *From the New York Herald."SUSAN'S" HALF CENTURY--FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY--PERSONAL SKETCH FROM HER OWN IMPRESSIONS AND RECOLLECTION--TWENTY YEARS OF WOMAN'S WORK--COMPLEMNTARY TESTIMONIAL BY HER WELL-WISHERS AND FELLOW-WORKERS.Miss Susan B. Anthony attained the fiftieth anniversary of her birth yesterday. The ladies of the Woman's Bureau very commendably arranged that this eventful day should not pass without a celebration, and, though it was opposed by Miss Anthony, she yielded to the counsels of her friends, and with uncharacteristic meekness placed herself at their disposal.To the invitations that the Bureau sent out inviting Susan's friends to a reception last night at the office of THE REVOLUTION, East Twenty-third street, there was a large and hearty response. The parlors of the house were crowded with a bevy of fair women and of noted men, all of whom greeted Susan with the heartiest and kindest of congratulations, and evidently sincerely wished her another fifty years' lease of her useful and eventful life. The invitation cards elegantly engraved and printed on fine paper with the letters W. B. elaborately wrought in an embossed monogram, were as follows:The ladies of the Woman's Bureau invite you to a Reception on Tuesday evening, February 15, to celebrate the Fiftieth Birthday of Susan B. Anthony.On this occasion her friends will be afforded an opportunity to testify their appreciation of her twenty years' services in behalf of woman.Elizabeth B. Phelps,Mrs. A. B. Darling,Charlotte B. Wilbour.49 East Twenty-third street, New York.A number of letters had been received during the day from Senators and others, who were admirers of the public life of Miss Anthony, in all of which the writers testified practically their appreciation of the public work done by Susan during the busy years of her busy life. Pleasant recognitions of the day in the shape of testimonials of regard from those among her own sex in humble life, whom she had been instrumental in benefitting [sic], were found upon the tables, as well as similar recognitions in tangible shape from those who fill a more prominent place in public life.It was regarded last night and was a topic of conversation that the public announcement that Susan was fifty years old was one more of the courageous things for which her life had been distinguished. Battling with the wrong and striving for the right has not left so rigid a mark of the progress of the years upon her features so as to prevent her keeping up a little fiction about her being fair and forty. Miss Anthony preferred the truth, and she says that the register in the family Bible supports the assertion that a half century of rolling years have passed before her.Life to her has been real and earnest. She was born in Massachusetts; her mother was a Baptist and her father a Quaker. At five years of age her family removed into Washington County, N.Y., and her father commenced, in 1826, with Judge John McClain, the business of the manufacturing of cotton. Though there was no need for it, pecuniarily, the business at that time being prosperous, her father carrying out the principle that he thoroughly adhered to, that girls should be able to earn their own living as well as boys, she began to teach a school at fifteen years old, and that she continued to do until she was thirty years of age. In 1837 there was a great commercial crash, and with it her father lost his property, and the training of her early life became very useful in fitting her to acquire the means of supporting herself. She was a practical believer in temperance, and the first speech she ever made, which was in 1849, in Rochester, was in connection with this movement. It is also worthy of note that this speech was provoked by the determination of those who were in charge of this movement to prevent women speaking. Miss Anthony had not at that time heard anything about "Woman's Rights," but she set about organizing a Woman's Temperance Convention at Albany. She made the acquaintance of Mrs. Stanton in 1851; and in 1852 Miss Anthony canvassed the state upon the Temperance question. At the Syracuse Woman's Rights Convention of that year she was appointed Secretary. Finding that the drunkards' wives could not help themselves, she in 1853 called a convention in Rochester, for Woman's Rights. She obtained the services of the Rev. W. Channing in writing a call for a New York State Convention to be held on the 1st of December, 1853. During 1854 and 1855 she visited fifty-four of the sixty counties of the state of New York, advocating this question. In February, 1854, she went to Albany and held a State Convention there. It was at this convention Mrs. Stanton read her first address before the Legislature. Right along up to last night has Miss Anthony labored in this cause, and onward unto victory is still her motto. For ten years she also advocated the cause of women in the New York Teachers' Association, and succeeded in raising the salaries of those teachers permanently.It is worthy of note that this "rub-a-dub of agitation," as Daniel Webster used to say, was carried on without being backed by a large subscription list. Miss Anthony worked it very much on the Micawber plan trusting to anything that might turn up for finding the pecuniary sinews of war, and she says she always had enough and to spare. The details of her management, which she explained to our reporter, were eminently practical and were crowned with success. In 1867 she committed the "mistake" for which she has not to this day been forgiven by many who sympathise [sic] with her on all the great public movements to which she is allied. In that year the people of Kansas were to decide the question of admitting to the franchise what Horace Greeley called "the less muscular sex." Kansas was deserted by Mr. Greeley and others on this question and in her Kansas campaign, George Francis Train, whom she had never seen before, joined her in "stumping" that state on the Woman's Suffrage question. Exceptions were taken as to the wisdom of this course, mainly because of Mr. Train's eccentricities, and Susan has not yet been forgiven for this daring escapade.The remainder of Miss Anthony's public career is contemporaneous with the news of today; and last night showed that the hearts and heads of good and noble women recognized it as worthy of respect and commendation.The proceedings of last evening were of a social and informal character. Groups gathered themselves around a central table and listened to poems, letters, sentiments and addresses sent by approving friends.From the Evening Mail.A GOLDEN MAIDENHOOD.--CELEBRATION OF THE FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY.--THE MAIDEN MARS.Miss Susan B. Anthony, the consistent, persistent advocate of Woman's Rights for a score of years, was yesterday half a century old. We could not have been so ungallant ourselves, had we learned the fact in a mysterious way, to have whispered it to the passing wind, lest it should go still farther, but when her dearest friends and fellow-laborers shout it from the house-tops and in tones the most imperative hurl it at the open ears of a dozen and a half reporters, our duty to the public forbids our silence. We, therefore, repeat, and, at the same time, announce that the lady glorifies therein, that Miss Susan B. Anthony is fifty years and one day old to-day.The members of the Woman's Bureau, desirous to give expression to their delight that Miss Anthony had lived through half a century, and gave goodly promise of seeing the other half to its smaller end, invited the friends and admirers of the good lady to meet them at their rooms in Twenty-third street last evening. Notwithstanding the unpleasantness of the weather, the reception rooms of the Bureau were well filled by nine o'clock, the ladies, as a matter of course, being in large majority. As the guests arrived they were introduced to Miss Anthony by the courteous Mrs. Phelps.Miss Anthony looked her very best, and let the truth be said, even should it be followed by persecuting proposals from the bachelors, she didn't look much more than five-and-twenty. The genial salutations and happy surroundings of the hour, effaced for the time those lines which care and earnest labor and fifty years will make, however pure the soul within. Miss Anthony was happy and she looked it. She was comely without rouge or powder, dignified and graceful in her movements, without the aid of furbelows or flowing train.Not so, however, with many of the fair ones present, who did not scorn to add to their already ripened charms all the accessories which Fashion dictates. All the witcheries and wickednesses of the latest mode were on exhibition--the patch, the rouge, the tempting decollete, the frosted cerebrum, the sweeping trail of countless yards of silk and satin.Among the ladies present distinguished for their good sense and taste, and for their advocacy of the Sixteenth amendment we recognized * * * *After an hour spent in pleasant chat in examining the artistic surroundings with which the rooms were decorated, and admiring the numerous gifts which had been presented to Miss Anthony during the course of the auspicious day, the formal, if we may so call them, proceedings began. Mrs. Hooker asked the attention of the guests while Mrs. Randall should read a salutation from Phoebe Cary to her friend, Miss Anthony. This being readily given, the following sparkling poem was read:* * * *A fearful rush from the reporters added to the applause which followed the reading of the verses--a rush for this morceau from Phoebe Cary. Youth and beauty in the person of Mr. Henry Raymond carried off the prize. Indeed it seems that if this young gentleman is to continue in this field, the old stagers will have no show when this [sic] women are around. They literally crowd about him, and it is only now and then that a male admirer gets a peep at him at these conventions of the fair.Mrs. Hooker who never made a rhyme read a very good one written by her husband, but she thought it too good for general circulation, and pocketed it for THE REVOLUTION. Amen.* * * *Miss Anthony wears her years and honors well. May we live till the celebration of her centenary, and she to read the report thereof next day in the columns of the Evening Mail.From the New York Globe.Whatever may be thought of the advanced position Miss Anthony holds on Woman Suffrage, no one of reason can doubt her life-long fidelity to the work of ameliorating the condition of woman and achieving for her sex a just respect and a noble and righteous freedom and independence. From the Roman days, when all individuality of the members of a family was entirely lost in that of the head of the house, down through the era of the English common law, when a married woman lost all independent rights, to the present time, the progress of woman has been great but comparatively slow. In these latter days, however, the aspirations and activities of woman are greatly quickened, her day of pure and perfect freedom seems and near at hand.When the year of jubilee shall at last ring in, no name will be more highly honored than that of Miss Susan B. Anthony. Early and late, in season and out of season, in places high and low, all over this broad land, by voice and pen, has she labored with unflagging zeal for the exalted liberty of woman. We are not of those who believe all blessings come with the ballot, or that the act of putting a printed slip in a box frees the mind of error, passion, or bigotry, or brings to the voter the good he most requires. Still, we do put faith in woman and delight in her exaltation. Men who have honored mothers, pure sisters, and devoted wives or loving daughters, owe to Miss Anthony a heavy debt of gratitude for her life-work in behalf of women. To-night, the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of her birthday, her friends will give a reception in her honor at the Woman's Bureau in Twenty-third street. Let it be made an occasion which will give enduring proof that men, after all, are above prejudice or low desire in their devotion to woman, and that woman really knows how to honor and be true to herself.From the New York Courier.Miss Anthony's reception has been one of the events of the week. We are glad that this reception was a success--not only in the numbers who assembled to pay respect to a woman whom all people must honor, however much they may differ from her in ideas; but we are glad that it was a success in the literary efforts which crowned the occasion, and above all, in the more substantial testimonials of regard of which the lady was the recipient.Men who have expended about half of the time and half of the energy in the business of money-making which Miss Anthony has expended in benefitting [sic] the race, have become millionaires, and have been held up to the rising generation as examples of industry and energy worthy of imitation. Bronzes have been erected and numerous biographies have been written to do them honor. Had Miss Anthony labored for herself as devotedly as has for others, she would no doubt have received the usual reward in greenbacks; and but for the fact of her being a woman, might have had a bronze erected in her honor. Who knows?Elizabeth C. Stanton at HomeRedelia BatesThe RevolutionElizabeth C. Stanton at HomeWith the public career of this eminent reformer every man and woman is more or less familiar. The critical eye of the world has been upon her for the past twenty years. Editorial and reportorial pens have vied with each other in the work of honor and dishonor; laudation and opprobrium; while her genial face and earnest words, winning the admiration of friend and foe, have stirred the souls of many an enthusiastic audience moved by her impassioned appeals. No effort has been spared to lay her public life bare before the world--not unfrequently in a most ungenerous, untruthful light--yet how little, comparatively, is known of this wife and mother in her private inner life! How few have been able to follow her from the public rostrum to the sacred precincts of home; to observe her as the queen of her household, the inspiration of a devoted family. Many, indeed, could scarcely be persuaded of the existence of such a relationship, since "public life is incompatible with the holy duties of womanhood," but none having once been admitted to the Stanton home circle could ever again inveigh against the domestic beauties of this lovely, womanly character; and it is into this home that I would introduce my reader. Tenafly, New Jersey, is a delightful "metropolitan suburb," within an hour's ride of New York, and about a mile and a half from the Hudson river. Its grounds, high and undulating, commanding a picturesque view of green and blue for miles in extent, seem, like Orange of the same State, destined for that peculiar architectural adornment which will in time make Tenafly a village of villas. All the buildings are put up with an eye to fitness and beauty, each resident manifesting an unfeigned interest in the style and finish of his neighbor's estate, and all combining to keep up the standard of taste and elegance.On Highwood, one of the principal avenues of this town, within a wide enclosure called Highwood Park, stands the home of Mrs. Stanton. The planning and furnishing of this rural home was a responsibility entirely her own. When the retirement from city life was first proposed, her husband and children laughed at the idea, refusing for a time to consider it seriously; but having finally disposed of all opposing argument, and winning them over to a better appreciation of "country living and country thinking," she lost no time in putting her long cherished project into execution, nor spared any pains to make the change equally inviting and agreeable to all. The house is a dark brown gothic of moderate proportions, but so conveniently arranged in the interior as to give the impression of greater size, and its appointments, so tasteful in every particular, yet simple withal, strike the beholder with a sense of harmony that disarms criticism. Let the several apartments be thrown open while you wander form kitchen to cupola, yet you leave the house after a day's inspection, unconscious of what you have seen. The irresistible magnetism of the wife, the mother, the friend, is the only memory you have carried away, and that will follow, will live with you for days after. Her genial manners, combined with her rare conversational powers, have won for Mrs. Stanton universal admiration wherever she is known, but nowhere are these gifts more freely and effectively displayed than in the happy circle at home. The fascination of her sunny influence falls upon children and servants alike, and the law which governs her family is the law of love. If there be any error in the discipline in her domestic economy, it is, as she herself admits, on the side of leniency. In confessing her weakness in this regard she says: "My children can have but one youth, and I love to see them happy. My mother--the daughter of a revolutionary officer--like to rule her household according to West Point discipline, and I resolved long ago, that if ever I became a mother I should pursue a different course."Although this different course may have led to an occasional abuse of her gentle indulgence, it seems, in the end, to have established a bond of sympathy between mother and children that is now beautiful to contemplate. Her object has been, not so much to govern her children as to teach them to govern themselves; to so cultivate and train their moral natures, that, knowing both good and evil they should of preference choose the right, and be inspired from the highest incentive to pure and noble lives. Such as been her object, and such she believes has been her attainment. Her seven children--an unbroken chain--are now the pride of her declining years, and her daughters, two rosy girls just merging into womanhood, present a charming picture of their mother's idea of feminine health and vigor.Her enthusiastic love of nature, animate or inanimate, is evidently as strong with the woman as it was with the romping girl in the years gone by. Not an object in her beautiful surroundings seem to escape her careful notice, and she will turn as readily from some philosophic research to discuss the merits of her pet animals, or admire the proportions of her fine shade-trees, as though therein rested the chief source of her enjoyment. A recent accession to the family of Stanton pets is a spirited horse of celebrated Virginia breed, which appears to be the pride of the whole household. When the question of name arose on its arrival, the youngest son, "Bob," exclaimed, "Mother, let this be the sixteenth amendment horse." The suggestion seemed to strike all favorably; so the Indiana champion was honored with a new namesake, and the horse is called Julian.In her younger days, Mrs. Stanton was a practical equestrienne, but early in life the hobby of reform became an absorbing rival, and long since she resigned her share of this healthful amusement in favor of her daughters.During the past summer her time has been pleasantly divided between recreation and work. Although relieved from the care and responsibility of editorial duties, her hands and brains have not been idle, as the coming months are destined to prove. Contemplating a total withdrawal from public life after the approaching season, Mrs. Stanton has been more than anxious that every word designed for the popular ear this winter should be fitly chosen and well considered; and her preparations for the lyceum have been governed strictly by her sense of public need. Her aim will be less sensation than the presentation of truths; less the pleasing of the popular ear than the awakening of the popular heart on those vital social subjects that are now agitating the world.One of the most striking characteristics of this reformer is her fearless expression of convictions, regardless of consequences. Others equally earnest in thought and purpose may be governed by considerations of expediency, may hesitate to express a fresh thought or declare a new position lest the act be premature. But not so Mrs. Stanton. From the time of her first appearance in public, when she hastened to court with her fugitive friend and heroically plead her cause before the assembled judges, even to the present day, she has never been known to falter when conscience dictated. Consequently it has often been her fate to advance almost or entirely alone, even in the face of the most friendly protests. As an illustration of this we have her position on the McFarland-Richardson case last spring. While talking with the writer on this subject a few days since she said: "During the progress of that trial my whole soul was stirred with indignation. I considered the cause of one woman a common cause, and no earthly power could have induced me to withhold my opinion of those scandalous proceedings. Never before did I so feel the utter vanity of attempting to give woman the ballot till we had first given her freedom, till we had taught her the dignity of her own womanhood, and raised a higher standard of material relations. And when friends at a distance--advocates of suffrage--having heard of my address, wrote to know how I could have been so unwise as to touch that dirty McFarland case, I replied, when twenty years ago Elizabeth Cady Stanton demanded the ballot for women, you stood aghast wondering how it was possible for any true woman to take such a position on the suffrage question; I answer to-day that twenty years to come you will stand just where she does now on the marriage question."It is thus evident that Mrs. Stanton is preparing to probe deeper and deeper into the mysteries of this great social wound. She sees the wrong, and feels irresistibly called to do her part toward righting it. And although she seems destined to labor against discouraging odds for a time, she is as firm in her convictions and as earnest in her purpose as though all the world stood by her side. Her new lectures this season are three: The True Republic, Madame de Stael, and Marriage and Divorce. Of this last she says: "My whole soul is in it; therefore, it will be my best." The lecture has been prepared with no ordinary care, and will probably be the most exhaustive argument that has ever been produced on that subject. She proposes first to discuss the common laws of marriage and divorce with their several modifications; then to take up the biblical doctrine under the old and new dispensation; and finally, to illustrate her points by living facts--incidents from every-day life. Having thrown the earnestness of a great soul into this work, to which, either in public or private, she has pledged the remainder of her life, she cannot fail to awaken serious thought among the thousands whom she is destined to reach with voice and pen; and although this new position may provoke criticisms far more bitter than those already registered, one meed of praise can never be denied her--the honest, unfaltering champion of honest deliberate convictions.--St. Louis Republican.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton Declines to Run for CongressStaffNew York TimesMrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton Declines to Run for CongressThe following letter from Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton to the gentlemen who nominated her for Congress in the Third Congressional District, was received last night:Messrs. Edward C. Studwell, Hiram P. Crozier, John J. Merrit, and others, Committee:Gentlemen: When I consented to be a candidate for Congress in your district, I was not unmindful of section 1, article 1 of the Constitution, which provides that a Representative in Congress must be twenty-five years of age and have been seven years a citizen of the United States, and when elected must be an inhabitant of the State in which the person is chosen. Now, I am old enough and have been a citizen long enough to qualify me for a seat in Congress to represent your district, but I am not willing to leave my charming home on the blue hills of Jersey and become a denizen of your dirty town, as, according to the strict letter of article 1, I should be compelled to do to have election. But as political parties have little regard to Constitutions now a days, you may not consider this a practical obstruction to my being your Representative, and hence I would further add that, after writing you that hasty note of acceptance, I ascertained that two of the candidates now in the field, Messrs. Whiting and Webster, the Republican nominees, are in favor of Woman's suffrage, and I venture to assume that, on mature reflection, so liberal a gentleman as Gen. Slocum, the Democratic nominee, will take the same view of this important question. The great cause, then, being secure, whoever is elected, I have deemed it best, in the present sadly confused condition of politics in my native State, and especially in the Cities of New-York and Brooklyn, to withdraw from the canvas, that my name may not be an apple of discord among you. Yours, respectfully,Elizabeth Cady StantonThe AnniversariesStaffNew York TimesThe Anniversaries.Addresses Concerning Woman's Rights, Temperance and Religion.The Council of Congregationalists--Benevolent Societies--The Total Abstinence Idea--Doing Good to the Afflicted--The Ladies and the Ballot.Woman Suffrage.Meeting of the National Woman Suffrage Convention--Addresses by Mrs. I. Beecher Hooker, Mrs. Stanton, Victoria Woodhull, Mrs. Dr. Walker, and others.The National Woman Suffrage Convention met at Apollo Hall, yesterday, and was numerously attended, the majority of those present being ladies.Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker presided. She urged every woman to vote or attempt to vote at every State and Federal election under the provisions of the act to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment. She deprecated the fear which some women had of going to the polls. After asking for subscriptions to pay for printing, she introduced the speaker of the day, Mrs. Stanton.MRS. STANTON'S ADDRESSMrs. Stanton said: The two great nations in the world today still in the act of growth are Russia and America. All the other nations of the globe have reached the acme of their power and some are hastening to their downfall, because they are based on the old feudal idea that might makes right. There is but one safe and stable basis of national life: that is the equality of all the citizens. Ignorance, poverty and vice from every part of the globe are flocking here, and all this mighty multitude are to be educated into the rights and responsibilities of self-government. It is to be accomplished by the slow, sure process of education. It is folly to talk of self-government where the people are led by a few wily politicians. Wise thinkers are today considering the future of this nation and the probabilities of our children realizing what our fathers proposed, a government in which all citizens shall be free and equal. Equality must be the foundation of all true government, based on a great fact in human nature. We have not tried it yet, but are slowly struggling toward that idea. The world is done with royalty and aristocracy. The industrial forces are everywhere organizing. Science and labor in the workshops of nature are today plying the sceptres [sic] that must soon rule the world. The dangers many apprehend from the bribery and corruption of our our caucusses [sic] and cabals by which an imbecile Buchanan may be foisted upon the country today, and to-morrow a stolid Grant, are lamentable enough, but the fact that all this political infidelity is known, ridiculed, condemned, spurned by the masses, that the popular protests keep pace with the frauds, is evidence that the recuperative virtue of the people is strong enough to resist and right these incidental evils in the nation's transition to higher freedom. What we need to meet the responsibilities of self-government is the scientific education of the people. It is as dangerous to trust the interests of a nation in the hands of ignorant rulers as to turn children loose in a laboratory to compound chemicals and generate gases; the result in the one case would be burnt fingers and disgusting odors, in the other heavy taxes, protective tariffs, a rotten banking system, high rates of interest, a financial crash every ten years, justice bought and sold in the market-place, bribery and corruption in the courts and every department of Government, drunkenness and licentiousness licensed by the State, war and a national debt, wealth and gaunt poverty side by side in our streets, a living contradiction of our theory of equality. When a Vanderbilt can make $20,000,000 in a day, when a Gould and Fisk can run an Erie Railroad for years without a dividend, and the stockholders are powerless in our Courts because the judges are bought up, it is time for the people to look into our financial and banking systems, and into the kind of stuff of which our judicial, executive and legislative officers are made. It is owing to ignorance and indifference of the people that representative government in this country has become the rule of a privileged few at the expense of the many. To prevent this, let every State so amend her Constitution as to leave all local offices, and legislative, as far as possible, in the hands of the people of the several townships, counties and districts of the State, submitting all State and national acts to their ratification. The President should be chosen by popular suffrage and not by the present cumbersome mode of the Electoral College. Senators in Congress should be chosen by the people directly, not by the legislators of their several States. Postmasters and other functionaries should be elected by the people, thus stripping the President of a power which enables him to make cowards and knaves of politicians all over the Union. By abolishing caucusses [sic], and encouraging self-nominations, and reviving the old plan of making popular requisitions upon distinguished citizens to stand as candidates, and then by compelling all aspirants to office to face on another in open debate, mediocrity would soon slink away, ignorance speedily drop to its level, corruption shrink before its own exposure, while the State would secure lofty talents, sure attainments and spotless integrity in its chosen rulers. Let us look at the results of the alternate domination of the two great parties in this Republic. For nearly fifty years before the advent of the Republican Party the Democrats, with here and there a brief interregnum, ruled the nation. The two prime articles in their creed were individual equality and anti-monopoly--and yet throughout their entire career they fostered and projected chattel slavery. The Republicans organized their party in 1854--during the seven years they were pushing upward from a minority to a majority, inspired by the noble purpose of prostrating the slave power. When Lincoln fell, the Republican regime gave us Andy Johnson, who convulsed the country for four years, and only escaped impeachment by bribery, and now we have Grant, who is determined to make all men bow to him. So far from regarding himself as the servant of the people, he requires the sovereign people to serve him. He will leave the White House rich and infamous. [Hisses and cheers.]Mrs. Stanton--The hisses are, no doubt, from Democrats; the Republicans allow liberty of speech.A voice--No, the hisses are from Republicans. [Cheers.] Our institutions cannot endure the strain of another Presidential term of the corruption and misrule we are suffering today. The Democratic Party died with slavery, the Republican Party has done its work, let it now be gathered to its fathers. As Mr. Butler, Mr. Riddle, and many distinguished Senators have lately declared that the women of the Republic already have the right to vote under the Federal Constitution we shall probably have a word in the selection of the next President. I for one would not have Gen. Grant, a military chieftain, in the White House; it is not in harmony with the idea of self-government. No President should be allowed to serve more than one term. After alluding to the present state of France, the speaker continued: Let us consider the reforms in our churches. If the Church would hold her influence with the coming generation she must keep pace with the spirit of the age and substitute moral science for forms, dogmas, and abstractions. The Church will never do its part toward building up a true republic until it is homogenous in its teaching of moral truths. Mrs. Stanton next condemned the management of the prisons, and called for a reformation in that department. The instinct of every generous soul should rebel against the present treatment of prisoners. She next demanded a change in our educational system, which should be unsectarian. She was not an advocate for the Bible being read in the public schools. She would establish republican principles in the household, and allow servants a voice in its management.Miss Susan B. Anthony read the following resolutions:Resolved, That as women are counted in the basis of representation, subjected to taxation and punishment for crime, permitted to pre-empt lands, own property in American vessels, and take passports abroad, under the Federal Constitution, they are citizens, and as under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments the specified right of all citizens to vote is plainly declared, we demand of Congress a law that shall secure to woman this fundamental right.Resolved, That the basis of order is freedom from bondage, not indeed of such "order" as reigned in Warsaw, which grew out of the bondage, but of such order as reigns in heaven, which grows out of that developed manhood and womanhood, in which such becomes "a law unto himself."Resolved, That freedom is a principle, and that as such it may be trusted to ultimate in harmonious social, as in America it is trusted to ultimate in harmonious and beneficent political results; that it has not hitherto been adequately trusted in the social domain, and that the woman movement means no less than the complete social as well as the political enfranchisement of mankind.Resolved, That the evils, sufferings and disabilities of the women as well as of men are social still more than they are political, and that a statement of woman's rights which ignores the right of self-ownership is insufficient to meet the demand, and is ceasing to enlist the enthusiasm and even the common interest of the most intelligent portion of the community.During the reading of the resolutions Miss Anthony was requested to read a little louder. A gentleman near the platform offered his services as a reader, which was indignantly declined. Miss Anthony said it was another piece of man's presumption in imagining that he could read louder than a woman. She begged to inform the gentleman that she could speak as loud as any man. [Loud cheers.]Victoria Woodhull next addressed the Convention. She said they would try the question of woman suffrage in the Courts; if they failed there, they would seek redress from Congress. If the country be ruled for the next twenty as bad as it was in the last twenty years, liberty will be lost. The Republican Party did great work for the country, and made the name of slavery odious; but the recent grants of large tracts of land to railway companies was utterly inexplicable, and made her faith in the Republican Party less. They cannot turn to that Democratic Party, who were responsible for the last war. She expected nothing better from them than form the Republicans. When the Democrats have the power they use it for their own aggrandisement. It would be suicidal to attach themselves to either party; they should assume a politic attitude for equality and justice. Women had the same human right to govern themselves as men had, and they should not submit to be robbed and taxed, as taxation without representation was tyranny. The constitution should declare all persons citizens with a right to vote. It was unwarrantable tyranny and despotism to deprive women of the franchise. They must have their rights, they will not give them up, and if Congress refuses, they must adopt other means--to plant a government of righteousness instead of the Government imposed upon them without their consent. They will establish a higher and more scientific development of the ideal government, and equality and fraternity will be inaugurated. She was charged with being influenced with unpardonable ambition, in announcing herself as a candidate for the next Presidency. She had no ambition; all that she had done was done for the sake of humanity. Had she wished for the Presidential chair, she would have acted differently. Congress should be compelled to pass such laws as would enforce the provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment.Mr. Riddle, Mrs. Lucretia Mott, Mrs. Dr. Mary Walker, and Mrs. Dr. Hallock made short addresses in support of the resolutions.Susan B. Anthony presided at the evening session, which was well attended. She introduced Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker, who said the question of constitutional right was not the question of this age, but of all ages. The question was which should rule in the future, the material or spiritual. They had taken a fancy to rock the cradle of State, and to set mothers and grandmothers to rock the cradle of liberty. Self-government stared every young woman in the face as the great problem of her life. She, the speaker, did not approve of compulsory education, as the mother had the first right to say whether her child should be taught or not. As to the social evil, who, she asked, was more fitted to touch that subject than women? The Police system required reformation. She would have female Police in the barracks to treat unfortunate female prisoners with kindness and sympathy. If intelligence were the test of voting, they would have ten barren votes to the one now cast, but she was for placing the ballot in the hands of every man; it was the only protection against anarchy. The South needed ballots more than bullets, as men without the ballots, if not ready for violence themselves, wink at it in others. Amnesty was the cure for the South. In continuation she said: Shame on the sons if they permit their mothers to fight the battle of enfranchisement alone. Let them rise in their might and the battle is already won. [Cheers.]Miss Minnie C. Swayze, lately Professor of Belles Lettres at Vassar College, next addressed the meeting eloquently, reviewing the history of prominent women in all ages, after which the meeting was adjourned until to-morrow morning.The Champions of Women's Rights.StaffSan Francisco ChronicleThe Champions of Women's Rights.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Miss Susan B. Anthony, who, by their untiring labors and devotion to a great idea, have made their names inseparable with the Woman's Suffrage movement, will arrive in this city this evening. Such is their reputation that hosts of those friends to the movement they especially espouse will gladly welcome them. Not only is Mrs. Stanton a logical and accomplished speaker, but she is possessed of that force of character and scholastic attainment that must give weight to her every utterance. Miss Anthony is equally earnest and eloquent; and whatever may be the opinions respecting the Woman's Suffrage question, these noted advocates of the cause will be listened to with eagerness and attention. Their stay here will be brief; but arrangements have been made for Mrs. Stanton to lecture on "The New Republic," in Platt's Hall, on Tuesday evening, and Miss Anthony on "The Power of the Ballot" the following evening.THE FEMALE AGITATORSStaffSan Francisco ChronicleTHE FEMALE AGITATORSThe Great Woman Suffrage Champions Here.Interview with a Chronicle Reporter.Biographical Sketches of Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Miss Susan B. Anthony arrived in this city on Sunday evening. Their arrival has added two more autographs to the collection already possessed by Messrs. Johnson & Co., as these ladies inscribed their names on the Grand Hotel Register themselves.AN INTERVIEWCalling at the Grand Hotel yesterday afternoon, and sending up our card, upon which was inscribed the potent word CHRONICLE, we were ushered into the private parlor of the distinguished ladies, whose advent among us has already created a stir, and to our intense delight found no one present with Mrs. Stanton except a few gentlemen with whom she was conversing with an ease and freedom that betokened a pleasant interview.MRS. STANTON IS STOUT AND FLORID,The picture of perfect health and entire good humor, and were we to sum up her appearance in a word, it would be "jolly." Her hair, which is of silken fineness, is as white as snow, and was tastefully arranged in curling bands. She was dressed in dark silk and drew around her a crimson shawl. She received us cordially, and, after an introduction all around, we were seated. Shortly afterMISS ANTHONY ENTEREDThe apartment, and, after the usual salutations had been exchanged, made the announcement that the parlor of the hotel was full of ladies desirous of doing honor to the newly arrived champions of their sex, and an immediate adjournment to that portion of the hotel was had. A number of ladies had assembled and after the party were seated an intimation was made of the object of our visit, which was to ascertain if any new or practical steps in the Woman's Suffrage movement were to be inaugurated during the visit of these ladies, mentioning, of course, that they were sought for the purpose of publication. Mrs. Stanton replied that she would give her views with pleasure. She had come as a forerunner of A "NEW DEPARTURE."It was the intention from this time on to stop petitioning; to ask no man's consent to what they claimed as rights, but to make a fair, open fight for the right of citizenship as guaranteed them under the Constitution as it exists. This was the broad platform upon which it was their mission to endeavor to concentrate all women. Mrs. Stanton felt encouraged by her success in Utah. She felt that they had been able to stir up A HEALTHY DISCONTENTAmong the women of that Territory, and when that was accomplished anywhere the first step in any progressive movement had been accomplished. In answer to a question as to what form the new movement would take, Mrs. Stanton stated that in January next a National Woman's Congress would assemble at Washington. From this would emanate a final demand upon Congress for their rights, which, if denied, would tend to show that the legislature considered that a woman did not come under the head of a "person" as named in the Constitution, and the theory would thereby be adopted that she must be a nonentity, and if a nonentity she ought not to be amenable to the laws, or be made to pay taxes. In the event of their demands being refused,THE NEW-REPUBLICWould be formed, a new government organized--one of their own--leaving the bogus Republic out in the cold. To this Republic woman would alone hold allegiance and its behests alone obey. The prime movers of this new Republic were of the opinion that the result would be similar to the school so ably described in Tennyson's poem of the "Princess," in which a society is formed composed entirely of the fair sex, their colleges"With prudes for proctors, dowagers for deansAnd sweet girl graduates in their golden hair."The result of this undertaking was that before long not only were girls amongst their graduates, but boys had also crept in, and so it would be with their Republic. All the MEN OF SOUND COMMON SENSEWould gradually but surely join with them in their undertaking, and none would be left outside but those that were "in the cold," and so self-opinionated as to think woman was not as much gifted with sound common sense as man. Mrs. Stanton appeared to be fully impressed with the idea that such a government would soon sweep from existence the present Republic, and embrace within its wide circle all men and women who were worthy of the gift of freedom. We listened with eager attention to the really eloquent unfolding of this plan by Mrs. Stanton, but before she had got entirely through the quick perception of the reporter detected the coming storm. One of the STRONG-MINDED SISTERHOODWho sat near us gave powerful evidence that an outburst of wrath at the CHRONICLE was in store. We have become so used to this that the faintest symptom is detected at once--the bristling curls, the flashing glance, the uneasy movement, all betokened that our time had come; and, sure enough, a still, small voice, roughened from its natural tenderness with indignation, spoke up and said, "Stop! stop! Mrs. Stanton; it is not well to tell these people all your plans." And here the pent-upFIRES OF HER WRATH DESCENDEDUpon the representative press men present. The CHRONICLE has undoubtedly poked fun at somebody near and dear to this lady, for the very feathers on her bonnet quivered with indignation. Waiting until the storm had subsided, we in courteous terms assured all present that the CHRONICLE had buried its head in ashes and clothed itself in sackcloth for its sins, and that it would "never, no never" make fun of the ladies again, unless it got a good chance. We were glad to see that Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony appreciated the true mission of the press, and seemedCHAGRINED AT THE RIDICULOUS IDEAAdvanced by the indignant lady, that Woman's Conventions were to be handled with any more tenderness than any other public body. Miss Anthony, with lady-like grace but decided firmness, administering a wholesome rebuke to the enthusiastic sister. Conversation being resumed, Mrs. Stanton proved herself an adept in the art of flattery by the incisive way in which she got in an allusion to the clear legal brain of one of the gentlemen present, who rejoiced in the title of Judge, and the manner in which the spinal column of the body containing the clear legal brain aforesaid SUDDENLY STRAIGHTENED UPGave evidence that Mrs. Stanton had made a friend for life. Upon rising to take our leave we asked if anything further could be made public through our columns that would aid the ladies in the success of their efforts. Miss Anthony replying: "Nothing; except that we desire a fair hearing, and hope large numbers will attend our lectures." We learned that the stay of these energetic women willNECESSARILY BE BRIEF,And our interview with them was sufficient to convince us that those who lose the chance of hearing them will miss an opportunity which is seldom offered.To-night Mrs. Stanton lectures at Platt's Hall on "The New Republic," and to-morrow evening Miss Susan B. Anthony will lecture on "The Power of the Ballot."Elizabeth Cady StantonMrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton was born in Johnstown, on the sloping hills above the Mohawk Valley, about forty miles north of the city of Albany, New York, on the 12th November, 1816. Her father was Daniel Cady, an eminent jurist, a man of large abilities, of pure, generous and noble traits of character; and her mother, Margaret Livingston Cady, was a conscientious and intelligent woman--courageous, self-reliant and independent. At an early age Elizabeth gave hopeful promises of a brilliant future, and numerous are the anecdotes told of her early years, indicating her playful, loving hopefulness, keen sense of justice, love of right, andHATRED OF CRUELTY AND OPPRESSION.Family matters first led her, at a very early age, to consider the relative value and status of woman in society, and assisted to educate and qualify her for the great work of her life, that of the elevation and emancipation of her sex. The family consisted of one son and five daughters; the son had graduated with high honors at the Union College, when he was stricken with a severe and fatal illness. At this time Elizabeth was about ten years of age. Her father, who was passionately attached to his only son, the evening before the funeral sat watching beside the corpse, when an irresistible desire seizing her to gaze once more on the face of her brother, she entered the apartment, and finding her father sitting there sorrowful and alone, she climbed upon his knee and laid her head upon his breast; neither spoke for some time, but at length Mr. Cady heaved a deep, heart-drawn sigh and said, "O, my daughter,I WISH YOU WERE A BOY.""Then I will be a boy, and do all that my brother did," she replied. All that night she pondered on the problem of boyhood. Her youth led her to think that the chief thing was to be learned and brave. She therefore determined to learn Greek and to manage a horse, which seemed to her to be the first step toward attaining her ambition. The next morning she applied to the pastor of her parish to teach her Greek, which he at once cheerfully promised to do. The studies commenced, and Elizabeth persevered, ultimately entered the Academy and studied mathematics, Latin and Greek, where she SUCCEEDED IN GAINING A PRIZE.She states there was no feeling of ambition, rivalry or triumph over her companions, nor any feeling of satisfaction in winning her honors in presence of all the persons assembled in the Academy that day. One thought alone occupied her mind, and that was, her father would now be happy and satisfied. She hastened home, and seeking out her father placed the prize in his hands. He merely looked at it, and after putting few trivial questions to her kissed her on the forehead, exclaiming with a sigh: "Ah, you should have been a boy." That ended her pleasure; she hurried to her room and wept bitterly. Had it not been for the encouragement given her by the pastor her courage would have failed. He cheered her up, telling her that it was her missionTO HELP MOULD THE WORLD ANEW.When Elizabeth was fifteen her term at the academy terminated, and about this time her comforter, the minister, died, bequeathing his Greek lexicon, Testament and grammar. She attempted to have her name enrolled on the books of the Union College, Schenectady, but the doors were closed against all of her sex; and her parents sent her to complete her studies to Mrs. Willard's female seminary at Troy. Mrs. Stanton, speaking of her sad experience in that school, says: "If there is one thing on earth from which I pray God to save my daughters, it is a girls' seminary." Those two years, 1830 and 1831, were the most DREARY OF HER ENTIRE LIFE'S EXPERIENCE.In 1839 Elizabeth was married to Henry B. Stanton, a young man who acquired considerable reputation as an anti-slavery orator. In the early part of 1840 the young couple visited Europe, and Mr. Stanton was one of the few delegates at the World's Anti-Slavery Convention, held in London in that year, to record his vote to admit the women delegates from the United States to seats in that body. It was in London that Mrs. Stanton made the acquaintance of that philanthropic woman, Mrs. Lucretia Mott, of Philadelphia, and then and there had her mind strongly impressed with the necessity of emancipating woman from the slavery in which she was, to a large extent, a willing victim, and she returned home with the fixed determination of devoting the best energies of her life to furthering the cause of WOMAN'S EMANCIPATION,Which she considered could only be brought about by demanding political enfranchisement. This right once acquired, she saw that woman would be in a condition to command what then she mightBEG FOR IN VAIN.It was at a meeting of the Woman's Rights Convention, at Seneca Falls, New York, held on July 19, 1848, that Mrs. Stanton, contrary to the advice of her friends, advocated by an eloquent speech and carried through the resolution: "That it is the duty of the women of this country to secure to themselves their sacred right to the elective franchise." This resolution excited the ridicule of the press and the public generally throughout the country. Judge Cady, thinking his daughter insane, visited Seneca Falls to provide for her unfortunate condition, but he found her well, hopeful, joyous, and of sound mind and equal to the defense of her novel proposition. From that time to the present she has worked constantly in the cause of woman's political enfranchisement and universal liberty, but her FAMILY DUTIES HAVE NOT BEEN NEGLECTED.She has reared a family of two boys and five girls, attended to their education; and their manners, habits and general characteristics show that the family and home of this noble woman did not suffer on account of the immense public labors performed by the wife and mother. Mrs. Stanton treats the general subject of woman's political emancipation with a clearness of statement, precision of arrangement, and logical deduction from established premises, with great energy and power.HER ORATIONS ARE FINISHED PRODUCTIONS,And generally exhaust the branches of the question upon which they treat. She is among the most humorous, sprightly and attractive conversationalists in the country. In the year 1867, during her great campaign in Kansas, she secured 9,000 votes for the political enfranchisement of the women of that State, and it was probably one of the most spirited contests ever made in this country. As a writer, Mrs. Stanton takes a high rank. Her editorial labors on the Revolution will justify this assertion; but it is upon the platform Mrs. Stanton is capable of exerting the largest influence. In the Autumn of 1866 sheNOMINATED HERSELF FOR CONGRESSIn the Eighth Congressional District in New York, and by this means, although she entertained no idea of being elected, she availed herself of the opportunity to reach the public mind and exercise upon it a healthful and reformatory influence. Her motto was "Free speech, free Press, free men and free trade." The New York Herald said, in speaking of this self-nomination, that "Mrs. Stanton, being a lady of fine presence and accomplishments, in the House of Representatives would wield a wholesome influence over the rough and disorderly elements of that body." There is, in addition to her fine voice, personal bearing and matronly appearance, an unseen power that sways her audience and carries them upon the current of her generous will.Susan B. AnthonyMiss Susan B. Anthony was born at the foot of the Green Mountains, South Adams, Mass., on the 15th of February, 1820. Her father--Daniel Anthony--was a stern Quaker; her mother--Lucy Read--a Baptist; but, being liberal and progressive in their tendencies, they were soon one in their religion. Her father was a cotton manufacturer, and the first dollar she ever earned was in his factory. Though a man of wealth, the idea of self-support was early impressed on all the daughters of the family. In 1826 they moved to Washington county, New York. She was educated in a small school in her father's house until the age of seventeen, when she went to a boarding-school in Philadelphia. After finishing her education, she passed fifteen years of her lifeIN TEACHING SCHOOLIn different parts of the State of New York. Although Superintendents gave her credit for the best disciplined school and the most thoroughly taught scholars in the county, yet they paid her but $8 per month, while men received from $24 to $30. This experience taught her the lesson of woman's rights, and when she read the reports of the first conventions, her whole soul responded to the new demand. Her first public work was in the temperance movement, and she lectured on that subject from 1848 to 1851, forming temperance societies wherever she visited. It was in 1852 she first becameONE OF THE LEADING SPIRITSIn every Woman's Rights Convention, and she has been the acting Secretary and general agent ever since. She was also a faithful worker in the anti-slavery cause until the emancipation edict proclaimed freedom throughout the land. In the Winters of 1854 and 1855 Miss Anthony held fifty-four Conventions in different counties of the State, with two petitions on hand--one demanding equal property rights, the other the ballot--and succeeded in gathering ten thousand names. Many complain that Miss Anthony is impatient, and is pushing the woman's rights cause too much; but it should be remembered that she has had none of the cares of husband, children or home, and thatFOR NEARLY TWENTY YEARSAll her time, thought, force and affection have centered on this one object. She started the Revolution, the first journal in the United States entirely devoted to the ballot movement for her sex. Her struggles to keep it in existence were great and continuous, and ultimately she passed the paper over to a rich, organized company, shouldering a debt of $10,000. She then made an effort to organize a "National Woman Suffrage Society," but her endeavors to make a success of the Association were futile. For the past two years Miss Anthony has devoted herself to the lecture platform, and all her efforts are exclusively devoted to the ENFRANCHISEMENT OF HER SEX.Her great ambition is to be able to vote and pay the last dollar she owes for debts incurred whilst publishing the Revolution. Miss Anthony, although not beautiful, has a fine figure and a large, well-shaped head. She has a broad and generous nature, and a depth of tendency that few women possess. She does not faint, or weep, or sentimentalize; but she has genuine feeling, a tender love for all true men and women, a reverence for noble acts and words, and an active pity for those who come to her in sorrow and trial. She is alwaysFULL OF THE WORK BEFORE HER,And does it going through or over whatever stands in her way; hence she is impatient and imperious with those who, not seeing the goal as she does, stand in her way. What people call cross-grained in her is her quickness in seeing the right and her promptness in maintaining it, no matter who her opposers may be. She has raised and spentTHOUSANDS OF DOLLARSIn printing and postage, leaving scattered documents without number all over this country and England. Miss Anthony's style of speaking is rapid, vehement, concise, and in her best moods she is sometimes eloquent. Hers is the one voice among our speakers that never fails to fill the ears of her audience. In late years she has taken to speaking extemporaneously, retaining enough of the Quaker to make a failure except when strongly moved by the spirit. But the spirit is always sure to move when she sees the rights of any human being outraged."The New Republic"StaffSan Francisco Chronicle"The New Republic."Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton's Lecture Last Night.The Women's New Departure.The Question Clearly and Logically Argued.Presentation of a Bouquet by Mrs. Leland Stanford.A very large and fashionable audience filled Platt's Hall to its utmost capacity last evening, to listen to the lecture by Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton upon the "New Republic." From half past 7 until 8 o'clock a constant stream of people poured into the hall, and at the hour announced for the commencement of the address there was not a vacant seat to be had. Mrs. Stanton came upon the stage accompanied by Mrs. Pitts Stevens, and was received with a generous round of welcoming applause. Mrs. Stevens introduced her as the FIRST WOMAN IN AMERICATo proclaim the rights of woman, and the uncompromising advocate of the principle of Woman Suffrage for the last half century. Mrs. Stanton commenced her lecture with the remark that although one of woman's inalienable rights was to grow old, still Mrs. Stevens had rather extended the time during which she had advocated the question upon which she should speak tonight. A quarter of a century would about cover the ground. She continued: In 1848, in the State of New York, women had no rights; they occupied the position of absolute slaves. In that year I went before the Legislature of that State and demanded that women should have the right of property. I was opposed by all classes; lawyers, Judges, Senators, were all arrayed against me; my own father, himself one of the ablest jurist of the day, opposed the idea. I can remember how my father and Judge J. K. Spencer would sit and talk for hours about this thing. Judge Spencer said to me once that he trembled at the thought of the passage of an Act giving women the rights which I then claimed for them. It would produce A SOCIAL REVOLUTION--Just what you men are saying to-day about Woman Suffrage. Yet after the passage of the bill and its effects had been observed, both my father and Judge Spencer told me frequently that they saw as they had not seen before the beneficial results of it. One time I condoled with the Judge upon the hard time he must be having at his hearthstone since the social revolution. Said he, "Don't mention it; Mrs. Spencer has not even heard of it." [Laughter.] Not ninety-nine women in a hundred to-day in that State know what that measure was. Yet, though it came quietly, it was grand in its results, andTHOUSANDS OF WIDOWS AND ORPHANSAre to-day in comfortable circumstances who, but for the passage of this bill, would have been beggars. This is the lot of everything in true progress--the ones whom it is to benefit are often the last to see the fact. We women now ask for a true representation in this Government. We ask for the right of trial by a jury of our peers. We ask that the prime and fundamental principles of a Republican Government be exercised for us. Since I have been in this city, I have been asked by a member of the press if I had brought with me the plans of a new departure. I have. It is only fair that we should have a new departure.I CONGRATULATE THE DEMOCRATIC PARTYUpon their new departure. I am glad to know that they now accept fully and freely the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. I am thankful to the Democratic party for what they are doing in the cause of progress. I am told that before the death of Mr. Vallandigham he held the Committee of the Democratic party three hours in endeavors to persuade them to put a Woman Suffrage plank in their platform. If the Democratic party want to do a grand thing, let them put this plank there.WOMAN SUFFRAGE IS SURE TO COME.Not only in this country but in all the nations of the earth the movement is rising to the surface. England, Germany, France, even frigid Russia, are moving, and their women demand their rights. The ablest minds among men--John Stuart Mill, Jules Favre, Garibaldi, Mazzini--have spoken. The ablest Germans, whose names I will not even venture to pronounce, are turning their thoughts to this great cause. We have with us the Bench, headed by Chief Justice Chase; the Clergy, led by Beecher, Chapin, Tyng and Bishop Simpson, are too with us. Only recently, when Bishop Simpson was asked to deliver a temperance address he refused, saying that he was tired of trying to bring about that reform; that thirty years of toil had brought forth no fruits. I have, said he, no idea of triumph untilTHE ARMY OF MOTHERSThroughout this land shall have the right to vote these rumshops, these brothels and these gambling hells from the streets of our land. [Applause.] What is the question now? Clearly this: Which of the two parties will take the Woman Suffrage question, and with it march to victory? I believe that Woman Suffrage will be as good a card in 1872, as was Grant in the last election. You know the Republicans said they didn't want Grant particularly, but they were afraid if they didn't take him the Democrats would. I think it would be a grand thing for the Democratic party if they would take up this cause; it would serve to blot out much of their dark record of the past. It would read well on the page of history that when the Republican party emancipated the slaves, that the Democratic party enfranchised the twenty millions of their sisters. I want to see CALIFORNIA IN THE FRONTYou have your grand Nevadas, your glittering Golden Gate, and now march into line in the van of this grand movement. I am often asked which party I think will adopt it first. I answer that I believe it will be the Democracy. God in His providence has been keeping them on the furnace of affliction for the past eight years. They have become purified, and are ready for progress and reform. It may be weak now, but it won't take much strength to take in women, and then it will be strong. The Democratic party has been the party that has always given us encouragement. When our petition went into Congress; when Miss Anthony and myself had rolled up a petition of THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND NAMES,Such men as Greeley, Sumner, Thad Stevens and men of that stamp hoped that we would not press the matter until the negro was safe. They said that the negro was all they would be able to carry just now. Let us get him in first and then we will talk to you. Now we don't believe in this at all; we think that a better and more satisfactory Government would be the result if the women were in now, negro or no negro. But when we got in our petition we found that the Republican members availed themselves of parliamentary tactics and sent it to the Clerk and laid it on the table. I went to see Mr. Brooks and told him that the Republicans had given us THE COLD SHOULDER.He advised us to send it to the Democrats; we did so and obtained a respectful hearing. Not during two years did a single Republican rise in his place to claim Woman Suffrage as a right. The Democrats did, and continually reminded the Republicans of the inconsistencies of their creed, which claimed for the negro what it denied the women. The Democratic press has always spoken fairly of us, while the New York Tribune has done nothing but ridicule. It was a Democratic Legislature which in Wyoming gave woman the right to vote, and the sacred right of a trial by a jury of her peers. The press and the public may make light of this subject, but I ask you whenA WOMAN MAY BE DRAGGED INTO COURTS,Is it a light matter to deny her trial at the hands of her sex? In the late trial which has convulsed your State, you have had an example of a woman on her trial for crimes against the State, and I proclaim the doctrine that, guilty or innocent, that woman has no right to be judged until she has been tried by a jury of her peers. The Democracy, with its yearly increasing majorities, is looking for a vital issue--the civil service won't do to arouse the people on. The negro is dead: there is no vitality in that question any more. Ben Butler, at the last Congress, favoredWAR WITH ENGLAND,As a means of re-uniting all classes in the country, but the High Joint Commission settled that; besides, that was too big a price to pay for so little. That proposition reminds me of the Frenchman's funeral. A Frenchman had lost a child, and as usual a sympathizing host of friends had gathered around the house to attend the funeral. Anxious to express his gratitude, the Frenchman said, "My friends, I thank you all very, very much, and I am deeply grieved that the child is so small." But Butler thought better of it, and dropping the war took up Woman Suffrage, and through him, partially at least, Mrs. Woodhull was the first woman who had a hearing before the Congress of the United States. The substance of the present demand made by us is, that as the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments unqualifiedly give us the rights of citizens,WE DEMAND THAT RIGHTWithout further legislation. Taking this view, B.F. Butler had made a clear and able argument in its favor. J. W. Brigham of Ohio, however, brought in a majority report, in which it is assumed that women are not persons. That we are merely a sort of arm or finger on the body politic. We claim that we are citizens, and are not going to petition any more about it. The plan we propose is this. We intend to register, or offer to register, in States where there are Registry Laws, and to offer to vote in all. If we are refused we intend to SUE THE OFFICERS IN THE COURTS.Wherever I mention this matter the lawyers rejoice greatly, but I say to them don't laugh yet; we have girls in our law schools to-day, and by the time these cases get to the Supreme Court, when Judge Chase will be sure to decide in its favor, we will have able, educated women, ready to argue it. And this is not a short cut, as many imagine it to be; it is nothing new. England abolished slavery thus. Lord Mansfield decided under an enlightened rendition of the Constitution--a slave could not breathe on their soil. So in Massachusetts; so in a smaller thing, but equally important, was the University of MichiganOPENED TO OUR DAUGHTERSBy a new reading of its charter in the light of higher wisdom. This idea is by no means new. After the Republican party had passed their late amendments, I resolved never to petition to such a mass again. I will not ask the lowest and most degraded of men, to grant me the right I possess by law.I PREFER TO FIGHT IT OUTIn the courts, with Tom, Dick and Harry. I am told that I am represented in Congress by fathers, brothers, and husbands, and if I have none of these, by my male acquaintances. But our fathers were not satisfied when told that they were represented by Lord this and that. And if one man can't represent another, how can a man represent a woman. I am not satisfied with the representation of the Hon. John Morrissey. I would rather be represented by an educated, refined women--the editor of the Pioneer for instance. I have heard Mrs. Stevens make a better speech than John Morrissey ever could make. Taxation without representation is tyranny. That is the theme that has been made familiar to us in history, in Fourth of July orations, until we all know it by heart. Yet women are taxed without it. I knowONE PLUCKY WIDOWWho hasn't paid any taxes for ten years. I asked her how she evaded the law, and she told me that she had kind friends who told her when the tax-gatherer was coming, and she gathered up all the household goods that were available for seizure, and with them in safe hiding, barricaded herself inside the house, while from the window she showered him with quotations from Jefferson, Hancock, Adams, and the thunders of our forefathers, until he was glad to go. Some time after I met the tax-gatherer, and asked him how he made out, when he told me that he never went there any more, that when the time came hePUT HIS HAND IN HIS POCKETAnd paid it himself. That is real chivalry, but all men don't do this. Do men offer themselves to be hung as the representative of the female who is condemned to die? I don't suppose that poor widows find many rich representatives running after a chance to pay their taxes and penalties. If we must hang and pay taxes, we must also vote. Horace Greeley is fond of saying thatTHE BULLET AND THE BALLOTGo together. Mrs. [sic] Anthony and I went to the Legislature of our State to get the word male struck out at the same time as the word white. The woman and the negro had been considered equals so long that we thought that they might continue us together then; but they then sundered the holy tie. Well, when I went before the Convention, and was speaking, Horace Greeley rose up, as only Horace Greeley can, and said, if you vote,ARE YOU WILLING TO FIGHT?To which I replied, certainly; just as you fought in the late war, by sending a substitute. [Laughter and applause.] We afterward found that out of that whole Convention only three men had bullet marks, and two of them got them while out hunting. But this theory of the bullet and ballot going together is all wrong--it isn't true in practice. A man with one leg don't fight, but he votes; a man with one eye votes, but don't fight. Quakers don't fight;THE CLERGY DON'T FIGHT;And the paupers, whom you take up so tenderly on election day and drive to the polls, don't fight. And, if it were true--is there not a division of labor in war, and did not the women of this country do their share in the war? They gathered the harvest in many places. The Sanitary movement; the hospital; the attendance on the sick and dying, all were theirs. Who gave each soldier life at the risk of her own? Who gave him rations; who foraged for him when he could not help himself; who taught his feet to march? I ask you, as honorable men, has woman no right to say when her son shall be sent to the field of battle? I verily believe thatWHEN WOMEN SHALL VOTE THERE WILL BE NO MORE WAR.The late treaty between the Governments of England and America is the beginning of a new era, and war among civilized nations will be lost among the relics of barbarism. Women will not be in danger of being demoralized, or demoralizing either society or politics by freely mingling in both. The influence of woman everywhere tends to purify and build up. It is so in literature. Mrs. Farnham's ship load of women to this country was a positive blessing. What man that lives wouldBLOT OUT WOMAN'S RECORDFrom the literature of the land; and if in all these things her influence is for good, is it not a fair inference that in politics it would be the same? I do not think women better than men. Some of the purest souls I have ever known were men; yet woman's influence is always elevating. There is no fear of woman demoralizing politics. It can't be sent down lower than it is. And how will politics degrade woman? What is it? The science of government, and in our own country, the science of self-government. Will it degrade woman toTHROW ASIDE HER FRIVOLOUS WORKSAnd enter upon the study of political economy? Would it harm any one to read John Stuart Mill's treatises? Oh, no! you say. Would it degrade her to handle a clean ballot? Oh, no! Well, what would? Why, being mixed up with men! What a libel on the superior self! Are we not mixed up everywhere? Cars, steamboats and halls are all mixtures. Why, they even have the audacity to come into our homes! When I am home, I sit down with my husband and five sons. Six men! How terribly demoralized I must be! I have traveled much and far, and can truthfully give my testimony that I have never met a more refined and virtuous set of women than the advocates of woman's rights. I have seen Lucretia Mott beside the Duchess of Sutherland, and felt proud of my country that could produce such a woman. It is the fashion to laugh at woman's rights, but Americans should be proud of the women who had stood foremost in every great progressive movement--Temperance, Slavery and Woman's Rights. It is said thatWOMEN DON'T WANT TO VOTE,It is only because they as yet do not realize the dignity of the ballot. I want to vote, to get out of the crowd in which I am placed among lunatics, idiots and criminals. It will do the women as much good to vote as it will the Irish, and the Dutch and the negro. The disfranchised races are always the degraded ones. When women vote, all the ridicule of the press and platform will stop. But a short time ago it was the thing to make fun of the Irish; but by and by Paddy got a vote, and it stopped; then Sambo came in for his share, until he, too, got the ballot, and whenever men find thatWOMEN MAKE GOVERNORSAnd legislators, they will cease to ridicule, and even Horace Greeley will find a good argument for Woman Suffrage. Some women are afraid that they won't be as well treated as they are now if they should get the ballot. Why, bless you, you won't know what good treatment is until you do. The women of to-day have not read the history of the great march of freedom on the earth in vain, and are rising to the dignity of the ballot. The daughters of Jefferson and Adams will join this grand army, and leaving the smouldering [sic] fires of an old civilization,OPEN THE GOLDEN GATESOf a new and brighter age. Three months ago I was summoned to the house of a lady who had always ridiculed my ideas of Woman Suffrage. She was now watching the third son who had been taken from her by drink. He lay there a wreck, and through the terrors of this torments he could only cry, "Mother, save me." She saw then that had woman the power, the temptations before which her boy went down might be swept away; and as I pass the streets and hear the hollow laugh andTHE REVELRY OF THE SINKSThat abound, I seem to hear still that voice, "Mother, save me." After a glowing peroration, in which Mrs. Stanton introduced the legend of the sculptor who saw the hidden angel in the rough block of marble, she closed. Her voice throughout was clear and distinct, and the vast audience, numbering over twelve hundred persons, were swayed by her eloquence and power.After the close of the address, a number of persons went upon the platform and shook hands with her; and on her return to the hotel Mrs. Stanton found awaiting her arrival a present from Mrs. Leland Stanford in the shape of a magnificent bouquet.Power of the BallotStaffSan Francisco ChroniclePower of the BallotSusan B. Anthony on the Woman Suffrage Question.The Lecture a Disappointment.An Uneven and Unsatisfactory Argument.Platt's Hall, last evening, was again crowded by those interested in, as well as those curious, about the Woman Suffrage movement, to listen to Susan B. Anthony lecture on the practical bearings of the woman question, work, wages, education, and her social and political status, and what the ballot will do for woman in THE WORLD OF WORK.Miss Anthony is by no means as successful a lecturer as Mrs. Stanton; for, whilst the one is gifted with wonderful oratorical powers, her language occasionally approaching the sublime, and her argument well and carefully carried out, the other is hesitating and halty in her style, continually running off the thread of her discourse, and again returning to it.Mrs. Schenck, seemingly overpowered with the weight of her responsible position, introduced Miss Anthony as one who, for the last quarter of a century, had devoted herself to the cause of human life and the good of her own sex.Miss Anthony followed up in the same strain of flattery, expressing her pride at being introduced by a lady who presided over the first Woman's Convention in the city of San Francisco, and had ever responded to the call made from over the mountains, alwaysWISHING HER GOD SPEED In her work of revolution Miss Anthony then said: Friends, two years ago you had on the Pacific shore one woman who was young and talented, a born orator, and a champion of woman's rights--Miss Anna Dickinson. Last night you listened to one whom I have worked for the last twenty years, our friendship has endured without break, a clear proof of the possibility of an enduring friendship between two women. This woman I call a born philosopher, and the STATESWOMAN OF WOMAN'S RIGHTSI am neither orator, philosopher or stateswoman, but the working woman of the department, and I give as my subject, "The Power of the Ballot as a Bread Winner," as I am satisfied that pecuniary independence is the first step. The trouble is, that by the man having the right over the subsistence of a woman, he thus has the power over her whole moral being. Why does man possess this power over woman? Simply because of a false theory in the minds of all since the commencement of the world that woman was born to be protected by man, surrounds her as he chooses, and she is not allowed to control her own circumstances. It is the pride of man to call himself free, and to carve out his future career as he pleases. The incident that occurred atTHIS DOOR AT MRS. STANTON'S LECTUREWas an instance of the power assumed by man over a woman, where a wife and daughter were turned back at the very doors by a man, who actually lifted his cane to her he had sworn to protect, and loudly said, "Did I not forbid you to come here." You say that man is a brute, and so he is, but the law permits this kind of brutality, and gives man the absolute power over his wife and the daughters of his house. It is true that women are supported by men. Go into any home you please in this city, and in the majority of cases you will find that there are some who are working week after week for wages to support themselves. In the manufactures there are hundreds of womenEARNING THEIR OWN LIVING.Go over the mountains into New England towns, and there you will see tens of thousands of women working, and working as hard as men for their livings. In Boston alone 10,000 women are working as shoemakers.TAKE THE "NEW YORK HERALD"Any morning you please. I counted one day the advertisements of those in search of employment. There were 1,200. Out of these 500 women wanted positions as teachers, seamstresses, coypists, etc., and 200 were advertising for boarders. As lodging-houses are usually kept by women in all large cities, one may fairly assume that 700 out of the 12,000 were from women seeking the means of self-support. Take a walk down the Bowery any morning between 6 and 7 o'clock, you will find troops of women going to their work. There is always a difference in the appearance of working men and working women. The former walks with head erect with his dinner-can in hand, all open and above board, however mean his habitation may be; whilst the woman, no matter what her grade in society may be, always attempts to conceal the fact from the passer-by. She has onA WATER-PROOF CLOAK,And carries a satchel in her hand, as if going to the depot, or a parcel of books, as if going to school. And why is this? Simply because public opinion is against any woman that works. A Workingwoman's Association was established in New York some three years ago, and a committee was appointed to go over the city. One member went amongst the ragpickers, for in that city there are twelve hundred of these, who support themselves by turning over all the rubbish in search of old rags, and the like. In the course of his journey, he entered the house of a family consisting of the MOTHER AND FIVE RAGGED CHILDREN,For the husband did the work. She was asked if she would not like to assist in supporting the family. The reply was given in most indignant terms that her husband was a gentleman, and no gentleman ever required his wife to work. That was a logical conclusion of the theory established by society--as it is always said that when a woman has to go out and work there isSOMETHING WRONG AT HOME;Either the father has died suddenly, the wife is deserted, or the husband is a drunkard. Take the instance of a highly cultivated young lady, who is a teacher at a public school, possessed of rare attainments, a fine pianist, in fact an elegant and talented young lady--how often you hear her friends say, what a pity it is that she has to work for her living and does not get married? Miss Anthony then became loud in her praises of San Francisco in having appointed a woman as one of the Principals of a public school, paying her a man's salary--running off at a tangent, without rhyme or reason, on to a new subject, and as suddenly starting back again to the imaginary young lady, supposing her as married to a banker, making the grand tour, and doing everything in accordance with the usages of high-toned society; every one thinks her happy, no matter whether the husband turns out to be a DRUNKEN LIBERTINE AND A WRETCH;She has married well, dresses elegantly, and therefore the world envies rather than pities her. This rule must be changed; and the first results of the false theory is that every woman must be educated to work. Men think that the best thing they can do for their sons is to educate them for a profession or trade, so that they can gain a livelihood; whilst with the daughters, how is it with them? they are only educated to receive calls,PLAY THE PIANO,And conduct themselves with proper deportment. The time has come when the women of the land must be educated differently. Now they have to go into the world of labor with unskilled hands, to compete against men trained from boyhood; and when they have gained a knowledge after wading through fearful difficulties, then society doles out to them half or a third of the pay, although their work is as good as the men's; and she is doomed to an inferior position, never promoted to be superintendent or gaining the post of principal. A man must be the head, althoughNINE-TENTHS OF MEN ARE FOOLS.In Illinois last Spring a teacher was required who had to submit to an examination by an Inspector. He was so ignorant he could not put the simplest question, so he took the applicant over to a neighboring schoolmistress, who, after putting to him a series of questions, which were promptly answered, wrote out a certificate, to which the Inspector put his cross, and carried his teacher back again in triumph. Several other remarkable instances were also given as to women occupying positions, all tending to the same end, that of demonstrating to the satisfaction of the speaker that a woman is quite as capable as a man, if not more so, to conduct the general business affairs of the world, winding up with THE STARTLING ANNOUNCEMENTThat the reason that women were not more often appointed to public offices was because the Government could not afford to give them to any other than voters, ergo, woman must be voters before they can attain their proper sphere and support themselves without the disapproval of public opinion. Strikes and their consequences came next. How, whenever the working men struck, they often gained the day, as their Trade Unions were so powerful that the capitalists could not afford to offend them for fear of losing their votes. Not so with women. Whatever strikes occurred amongst them, they were compelled to give up at last, unless supported by the men, concluding with the usual application that the reason was because they had no vote, nor the power of making or unmaking governments, ergo again, the woman must have the ballot. The matter of the strike in the office of the New York World, when 100 women were brought in to supply their places, and kept there at a reduced pay until the men came to terms, when they were immediately discharged, thus makingTHE WOMEN MERE FOOT-BALLS.From this illustration a jump was made to the Collar Laundry Company of the city of Troy, a Cooperative Society in New York, and then, back again to the New York World and the discharged women, who came over to this city, established a Cooperative Society, are doing well, and God bless San Francisco, for this; with a bound back again to the Collar Laundry, and the astounding assertion that the President of the League, a certain Miss Kate Melany, had stated that the reason why their strike had not succeeded was in consequence of the newspapers all going against them, and one of THE EDITORS RECEIVED A BRIBEOf $10,000, which, of course, led to the inevitable conclusion that if the women had been voters the newspaper could not have afforded to take a bribe, ergo the woman must have the ballot. Numerous instances of a similar nature were given, including the negro question and how they were treated prior to their being enfranchised; the condition of the working men in England as compared with those in America; an amusing account of the treatment of Hiram Revels, when a colored preacher, as compared with the time when he became an Honorable and a Senator. The lecture concluded with Miss Anthony's views on the chivalrous preceptTHAT WOMEN ARE ALWAYS PROTECTED BY MEN,Denouncing the idea as mere poetry, declaring that wherever a woman was found a little wanting in self-respect and not as strong as it was possible for God to make her, there would always be found twenty vultures in the shape of men to clutch her; alluding to the polygamy as at Salt Lake and the illegal polygamy all over the world in support of her arguments, finally calling upon her hearers to establishWOMAN AS A BREAD WINNER,And equalize her chances in the world of life.The lecture occupied two hours in delivery, was uneven and unsatisfactory, lacking logical force, and disappointed the high expectations that had been formed on this coast of Miss Anthony as a lecturer.Mrs. Stanton is announced to deliver a lecture, to women only, at Platt's Hall, this afternoon, at 3 o'clock, on "Marriage and Maternity."Woman SuffrageStaffNew York TimesWoman Suffrage.The Twenty-Fifth Anniversary-Addresses by Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton, and Others--Resolutions Submitted.The twenty-fifth anniversary of the National Woman Suffrage Society was held yesterday at Apollo Hall, Miss Susan B. Anthony presiding. Among those occupying prominent places on the platform were Miss Susan B. Anthony, Miss Martha C. Wright, Mrs. Joslyn Gage, Miss Coleman, Mrs. [Moran?], Lillie Devereaux Blake, Lucretia Mott, and Mary Mott Davis.In calling the meeting to order Miss Anthony said that this was not only the annual meeting of the association, but the twenty-fifth anniversary of the movement for woman's enfranchisement. Twenty-five years ago, in the little village of Seneca Falls, N.Y., Mrs. E.C. Stanton and Lucretia Mott issued a call for a meeting advocating woman's right to suffrage. The speaker referred to the progress that had been attained since that period, and quoted several passages from a report of that meeting, which showed that even at that time the friends of the movement saw that the right to vote was one of the objects then sought to obtained. Miss Anthony next alluded to the progress that had been made since the inauguration of that meeting twenty-five years since, and spoke in glowing terms of the success that had attended the efforts of the society since that time, and the reforms which have since been inaugurated tending to ameliorate the condition of woman. Then women had no rights that their husbands were bound to respect. They were confined to the unsatisfactory education to be obtained from private boarding-schools; they had no right to exercise control over their property when married; no employer would pay them wages in comparison with what men received for the same work; but she was happy to say that these hardships had been in some degree abolished, and that colleges had been opened where women might receive a thorough education. As they had been conceded half the loaf, she thought they should now make every effort to be allowed to participate in the other half. Woman now requires to exercise her right to cast her ballot at elections and to have a voice in the election of those by whom she is to be governed, and thus be enabled to protect herself.Mrs. M. Joslyn Gage, the President of the Executive Committee, then presented the annual report, in which she referred to the hopes that had been entertained from the result of the deliberations of the convention at Cincinnati, but she regretted to say that nothing had been done toward the enfranchisement of woman. The Baltimore Convention resulted in the same way, and it was only that of Philadelphia which had given any substantial recognition of the importance of their platform. But this had been found to be merely a campaign dodge. She then detailed the action of Miss Anthony in going to the polls with thirteen other women, at Rochester, and voting the Republican ticket, but for which she was afterward arrested, and put to other indignities.Mr. Edward M. Davies, of Philadelphia, was next introduced, and after referring to matters outside of the objects of the society, said that in his State about 2,000 names had been collected of people who read the publications of the association and contributed to its support.Miss Lucretia Mott reminded the audience that this was the silver wedding of the association.Mrs. E. Cady Stanton said that no class in the world was so rich as women in the power of getting things for people other than themselves, but she thought the time had no arrived when they should begin to think of themselves. She wanted women instead of begging for funds wherewith to decorate churches and their altars, and to send ministers to foreign countries, to do nothing until they obtain the right of suffrage.Mrs. Martha C. Wright read a long communication from Isabella Beecher Hooker regretting her inability to attend the proceedings of the conference, but wishing continued success to the efforts of those who were so much interested in the welfare and progress of the good cause.The following resolutions were then offered by Mrs. Matilda Joslyn Gage:Whereas, This being the twenty-fifth anniversary of the first combined effort of women for the recognition of their civil and political rights; and,Whereas, The demands first publicly promulgated in an obscure village in the State of New-York have now spread over the world; therefore,Resolved, That, while we congratulate women on the progress of this reform during a quarter of a century, we urge them not to grow discouraged or faint hearted when obstacles arise in their attack upon hoary wrongs. We remind them that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, and that the nearer we come to victory the stronger will be the effort against us. But our cause is one of eternal justice, and must ultimately prevail.Resolved, That Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton will evermore be held in grateful remembrance as the pioneers in this grandest reform of the age; that as the wrongs they attacked were broader and deeper than any other, so as time passes they will be revered as foremost among the benefactors of the race, and that we also hold sacred the memory of their co-laborers in the Convention of 1848.Whereas, The underlying principle of our government is equality of political rights; thereforeResolved, That in the prosecution and trial of Susan B. Anthony, a citizen of the United States for having cast a ballot at the last election, the Government of the United States declares it is a crime to vote, thus attempting to undermine the very foundation of the Republic.Resolved, That in this trial, Susan B. Anthony represents one-half of the people; that on this trial the whole power of the United States is arrayed against the women of the nation--against law-abiding, tax-paying women citizens.Resolved, That this trial of Susan B. Anthony, though ostensibly involving the political status of women alone, in reality questions the right of every man to share in the Government, that it is not Susan B. Anthony or the women of the Republic who alone are on trial to-day, but is the Government of the United States which is on trial; it is republican institutions which are on test, and that as decision is rendered for or against the political rights of citizenship, so will the men of America find themselves free or slaves.Resolved, That the resolution of Senator Frelinghuysen, which ostensibly aimed at the women of Utah, was in reality a covert attack upon the liberties of one-half the people, and we brand its author as a foe to woman, and a dangerous person in the Senate of the United States.Resolved, That the Republican Legislature of Massachusetts by its truckling subserviency to party, and its broken faith to the women of that State has shown itself unworthy of woman's further aid, and unfit to hold political power.Resolved, That the decision of the courts in the cases of Mrs. Bradwell, of Illinois; Mrs. Spencer and Mrs. Webster of Washington; Miss Miner, of St. Louis; Miss Burnham, of Philadelphia, and others, are warnings to the people that their liberties are in danger.Resolved, That it is because women are not voters, and therefore have no recognized political power, that the members of the Forty-second Congress while raising their own salaries from $5,000 to $7,500, dared to reject an amendment to the same bill, which proposed to raise the salaries of the women employees of the Government from $900 to $1,200.Whereas, Ulysses S. Grant gained his first laurels in the army during the Tennessee campaign, which campaign was planned by a woman and adopted by the War Department of the United States Government, and,Whereas, On the taking of Fort Donalson and the capture of Vicksburg, where he first came into notice, Ulysses S. Grant worked under the war plan of a woman, andWhereas, During the whole rebellion this woman continued to send in various plans of campaigns, which were adopted by the Government, and under which Grant worked, thus, through the brain of a woman, gaining the reputation which seated him in the Presidential chair in 1868; andWhereas, The influence and work of women made him again President in 1872; therefore,Resolved,That the ignoring of woman by Ulysses S. Grant, in his last inaugural, shows him to be ungrateful, a man to be feared and watched, and a dangerous foe to republican institutions.Whereas, No dominant party can be trusted by the weak, and as the Republican Party, since its last election, has broken faith with woman, therefore,Resolved, That, in the light of existing events, we deem the rights of the people in greater danger than ever before since the establishment of the Government, and we call upon the oppressed classes to combine force for common defense in the not distant political contest which shall shake the nation.Resolved, That under existing circumstances it is a mockery to ask woman's aid in the coming centennial celebration of our nation's birthday, as while women are deprived of the right to vote the declaration is to them, in the language of Rufus Choats, "only a string of glittering generalities."Resolved,That the report of the Judiciary Committee of the Assembly of the State of New York in regard to a property suffrage qualification for women, is one of the signs of awakened thought toward our reform. Resolved, That the rapid advance of women's rights in foreign countries is a subject of gratulation, and as a matter of special cheer we call particular attention to the grand International Woman's Rights Congress, under control of the Liberals of Europe, to be held in Paris during the present year.A recess was then taken until 2 o'clock.AFTER RECESS.On the reassembling of the convention after recess, Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake presented the report of the Executive Committee, and related her experiences during the past year in advocating the cause among members of the Legislature and the Constitutional Commission. In conclusion she referred to the promises made to her by members of the Legislature proposing to grant the rights of suffrage to tax-paying women, but she thought they ought to go further, and give to every woman the right to vote.Mrs. Cady Stanton said she thought it ought not be expected that the Legislature would at once depart from the maxims that had so long been their guide, but that, inasmuch as the offer had been made to grant the right to vote to women who paid taxes, she thought that for the present they ought to be satisfied with this concession, and afterward turn their attention to obtaining universal suffrage for women. Mrs. Stanton then delivered a lengthy address upon the subject of women, alluding in sarcastic tones to the remarks and strictures that had been passed upon them by Mr. O. H. Frothingham. She further called upon all those present to so educate their children as to give them a proper understanding of the rights they would be called upon the exercise as they grew up, and the better to do this she thought it required that both boys and girls should be taught in one common school. That by the mingling of the sexes a higher intellectual and moral tone would be thereby insured.Mrs. Bladen, of Philadelphia, next addressed the Convention after which a recess was taken until 8 P.M.EVENING SESSIONMiss Anthony on calling the meeting to order, read a telegram just received from the San Francisco Woman's Suffrage Society, regretting that they were unable to send delegates to the Convention, but congratulating Miss Anthony on the noble work that had already been done in the good cause, and exhorting all interested to a steadfast and firm continuance in the work which had even now produced such good results.Miss Anthony then proceeded to relate the story of her arrest and subsequent prosecution for having cast her ballot at the last election in the City of Rochester, N.Y.At the conclusion of the speaker's address the following committee were appointed to attend the Woman's Suffrage Congress at Paris: Mrs. Matilda F. Wendt, Mrs. Elizabeth Phelps Pearsalt, and Mrs. Jane Graham Jones. The convention then adjourned to meet at Washington on the second Wednesday in January, 1874.Woman's RightsStaffNew York HeraldWoman's Rights.Twenty-fifth Anniversary of the Movement-Apollo Hall Crowded with the Friends of Female Suffrage-Miss Anthony on "How to Vote"-The International Convention of Paris and Who Are to Be There.The twenty-fifth anniversary of the woman's rights movement was celebrated at Apollo Hall yesterday, the occasion being what the advocates of rights call the "silver wedding" of the doctrine. The hall was uncomfortably crowded with a gaily dressed audience, which was for the most part composed of ladies drawn thither by curiosity. On the stage was a wreath of laurels, interwoven with a silver band, which was presented to the society by a friend form Pennsylvania. On the stage sat Miss Susan B. Anthony, Miss Martha C. Wright, Mrs. Joslyn-Sage [sic], Miss Coleman, Mrs. Morse, Lillie Devereaux Blake, Lucretia Mott and Mary Mott Davis. Miss Anthony, who is Chairman of the Convention, called it to order, and stated that the meeting was assembled to celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the movement for woman's emancipation and enfranchisement. She read the report of the first meeting, which was held in Seneca Falls, N.Y., May 7, 1848, and declared that that little meeting and its doings would one day be as famous as the Declaration of Independence.After reading the declaration of rights she gave the audience an historical resume of what had been accomplished since the inception of the movement. She said that during its first years no notice was taken of it, and obscurity was the only reward that the supporters and originators of the movement, received for their trouble. As a proof of the great interest it had awakened in the public mind, she said one need but look at the notice the press of the country were giving it. "Women had no rights that their husbands are bound to respect," said Miss Anthony, "and they are restricted by their protectors from exercising that right which the federal constitution give them as citizens of the United States." Their education was restricted and unsatisfactory, and for the removal of this obstacle to improvement, as much as for the obtaining of the suffrage, was the society working. She also told them that half the work was done, and if they acted in unison, guided by hope, they would soon reach the end which they have battled for so many years. The fact of her having her ballot received at the last election was proof positive of the partial success of the movement, she thought.Miss Matilda Joslyn Sage [sic], of the Executive Committee, gave an account of the doings of the committee.The afternoon session was of little importance, and in the evening session Miss Anthony told the story of her arrest.Miss Anthony's Arrest.The evening session, which was called to give Miss Anthony an opportunity of ventilating the story of her arrest for voting last election in the city of Rochester, was well attended, the rear of the hall being filled with a motley crowd of men, who were very vociferous in their applause. Miss Anthony occupied two long hours in telling the story of her arrest and the consequent miles of "red tape." Truthfully speaking, the address was not so much about her arrest as it was about the ambiguity of the law in reference to suffrage. Susan, as she usually does, forgot the main object of her speaking, and was continually flying off on tangents which had no concomitance to the subject. Her arguments were much like pelicans, for the main argument had a suicidal element in it; it killed itself to support a myriad of minor arguments, and forthwith the minor arguments were resolved into main ones, and committed felo de ce to give life to another galaxy of other little ones.The address was an entertaining one, being interpolated with extempore dry jokes by Susan, but the quod erat demonstrandum was not arrived at when her retiring bow was made, and unlimited tether was given to Pegasus to find the moral. The gist of what she said about her arrest was that when the officers tried to treat her with a little civility, she rebuffed them and insisted on being treated like an ordinary criminal; which she was not. She told very naively of how she made the United States Marshal "stand" the dinners and car fare when she was travelling for the accommodation of the government, and she expressed her deep regrets at the loss of $5 which she paid for fare before she knew it was Uncle Sam's duty to do so.Another regret she had, and one which she thought every believer in women's rights experienced to a greater or lesser degree, was the poverty of the English language, which had not a word which would mean both sexes. Her peroration on the pronoun "he" was the ultima thule of her address. She knew that women had a right to vote, and she decidedly objected to their being called "he" in the law books, notwithstanding the fact that it had been asserted that she swore she was a male citizen of the United States, and voted while laboring under the hallucination.When the address was concluded the following ladies were appointed to attend the International Woman's Suffrage Convention, which is to be held in Paris next Fall:--Mrs. Matilda F. Wendt and Mrs. Elizabeth Phelps Pearsall, of this city, and Mrs. Graham Jones, of Chicago, Ill.Equal Wages for Equal WorkStaffNew York TimesEqual Wages for Equal Work.If the women who go about the country clamoring for rights which have no existence were to devote more attention to the real wrongs of their sex, they would lay up for themselves a lasting debt of gratitude. It is at least doubtful whether the admission of women to the suffrage would add to domestic happiness, or advance the cause of wise government. It is not at all doubtful that to extend to women the freedom of the great field of labor, and to establish the principle of equal wages for equal work, would contribute greatly to their welfare and advancement. The most sensible speech made at the late Woman's Rights Convention was that of a poor parasol-maker, who, speaking for herself and her companions, said that she cared nothing for the ballot; that the only right she wanted was the right to live, the right to work, and to be paid what her work was worth. There in a nutshell is the whole difficulty of the woman question to-day, and if some of the really able ladies who are wasting time in discussing unimportant abstractions were to concentrate their energies on the settlement of this vital problem, the cause they advocate would be more advance than by all the eloquence of Mrs. Stanton or all the martyrdoms of Miss Anthony.In a letter addressed to the London Times, and which we reprinted the other day, Miss Emily Faithfull made some remarks on this subject which are worthy of notice. She complains that in America, as in England, women suffer under the hardship of unequal pay, and she cites the case of certain female clerks in the Treasury, who, for performing the same labors and doing them quite as well as their masculine associates, receive little more than half as large a salary. In one instance we are told of a lady who has been for nine years in a very responsible post at the salary of $900, and who has had the mortification repeatedly of seeing elevated over her head boys whom she had herself instructed in the simplest duties. Again, Miss Faithfull refers to the women telegraph operators, who, for work peculiarly fitted for their sex, and generally well done by them, are paid at a much lower rate than male operators.How exact these particular instances may be, we do not know. Of the justice of the general complaint which they are brought forward to illustrate, there can be no doubt. Women are paid less than men for corresponding labor, and that, with their exclusion from certain spheres of labor, (though this is gradually remedying itself,) constitutes their true grievance to-day. The reason for it is not hard to find. It is based on the old assumption of feminine inferiority, which still tacitly underlies so many of our social arrangements, and for the existence of which women are themselves largely responsible. It would be unfair, perhaps, to say that their general lack of regular training and of systematic habits of industry has in some degree justified the notion, since, until a comparatively recent period, their opportunities for such discipline have been limited. But there is, besides, a prevalent notion that any kind of labor is accepted by a woman only as a temporary expedient. We need hardly dwell on the obvious distinction which here suggests itself, that marriage is, in this country at least, and in most cases, the end of a woman's laboring in any money-earning pursuit, while it is, in one sense, the true beginning of a man's. Nor is it necessary to point out how fatal to the attainment of perfection or the highest degree of usefulness in any department of industry, such a make-shift following of it is sure to be. No man thoroughly masters any business without giving his whole mind and life to it; and the fact that women so seldom do either is taken as a strong presumption against their services being of equal value with those of men. Still another reason rests in the physical constitution of women which, of itself, would apparently render them less valuable for steady work than men. We do not say that it does, but the belief that it does no doubt adds its influence to impair the market value of their labor. That is a delusion, if it be one, that time and experience, aided, perhaps, by a greater degree of care in physical education, alone can cure. For the others, the remedy lies in giving women a stricter training and a more permanent attachment to the pursuit of their choice. It must be observed that the question is a general one, to be regulated by general laws, and that particular instances prove nothing. Either the working value of women, as a general rule, is less than that of men, or there is a general belief among employers that it is; or else women are underpaid because they always have been underpaid, and because they can be got to work for less than men. For our own part, we believe that all these causes operate to produce the injustice of which Miss Faithfull complains, and the remedy lies not in talk, but in work, which will prove that these injurious assumptions are false. That the ballot, whatever may be the intrinsic justice of their demand for it, will help women to a fairer standard of wages, we do not in the least believe. Their own efforts, with, of course, proper freedom to make the most of them, will be their best ally in a field where sooner or later the rule of supply and demand will set right all inequalities.The New-York Woman's Suffrage SocietyStaffNew York TimesThe New-York Woman's Suffrage Society.The New-York Woman's Suffrage Society celebrated the centennial of the "Boston Tea Party," last evening, at the Union League Theatre. The celebration took the shape of a "mass-meeting" of ladies, and although the celebration of the "Boston Tea Party" was the ostensible object of the meeting, it was devoted principally to the discussion of the well-worn topic of giving women an equal share with men in the representation of the country. The exemption of women from taxation in the absence of this representation was, in fact, the text of the proceedings. Mrs. Clemence S. Lozier presided, and the platform was occupied by about a dozen of ladies, members of the Woman's Suffrage Society, including Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. Dr. Hallock, Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Shepherd, and other more or less prominent members. The theatre was quite crowded, principally by ladies, but there were but few gentlemen in attendance.Mrs. Lozier briefly introduced the purpose of the meeting, and contended in favor of the natural rights which she said were a principle in human nature.Mrs. Shepherd then read a letter from Mrs. Helen M. Barnard, of Washington, expressing her sympathy with the purpose of the meeting, and elaborating her view on the subject of woman's rights, which views were quite in accord with those expressed by the subsequent speakers.Mrs. Lillie Devereux Black, Secretary to the meeting, brought forward the following resolutions:That as an expression of the sentiments of the tax-paying women of New-York we reiterate, as applied to ourselves, the determination contained in this bill of rights, put forth by our ancestors 100 years ago: First, that the women of this country are entitled to all the rights and privileges of the men of the country. Second, That it is indispensably essential to the freedom of the people, and the undoubted right of all men and women that no taxes be imposed on them, but by their own consent given in person, or by their representatives. Third--That the only representatives of these women are persons chosen by themselves, and that no taxes can be constitutionally imposed upon them but by legislatures composed of persons so chosen.In submitting these resolutions, she stated that New-York had had its tea party as well as Boston, although its history was not so well known, and proceeded to inform her auditors that the Sons of Liberty, (an organization which existed in New-York at the time,) or Mohawks, as they were sometimes called, had procured the emptying of two cargoes of tea into the waters of the bay, having waited for the vessels which brought the cargoes, the Nancy and the London, for several months. Boston had not, therefore, the exclusive honor which belonged to this tea-party transaction. She wished people could be brought to understand that the demands of women to-day were not less reasonable than those in furtherance of which their ancestors, a century ago, elected to precipitate a revolution. She did not advocate the proposition that women should refuse articles upon which they were unjustly taxed (because if they did that, they would deprive themselves of all the luxuries of life) by throwing them overboard, but she thought the time had come when the tax collectors themselves might be thrown over. [Great laughter.] She said that, of course, only figuratively. What she desired was that women would not consent to pay taxes until they are represented. There should be an anti-tax association in this City which would guide them to this issue. The Rochester women, she said, had been holding anti-tax meetings, and the same order of things had been going forward in San Francisco.Mrs. Blake narrated several anecdotes of vigorous ladies, who, in the security of their own castles, had defied all the approaches of the tax collector. One lady, she said, was in the habit of barricading herself in their house whenever the tax collector made his appearance, getting into a top room of the house, and from that reign of vantage, delaying the minion of the Government with potations from her parlors. [Laughter.] In this case, Mrs. Blake said it was suspected that the collector had paid the taxes himself, rather than submit to the convincing streams of the lady's eloquence. [Laughter.] Other instances of ladies who didn't recognize the right of Government to levy taxes upon them while in their present condition of bondage were given. The position which they had assumed, she said, was no more than that of their ancestors one hundred years ago, and she proceeded to show that the very resolutions which she submitted were based on the declaration made by their ancestors in Congress in 1774 and 1775.Miss Susan B. Anthony next addressed the meeting. She stood before them, she said, a convicted criminal. [This announcement was received with applause.] She had been tried in the United States Court, convicted by the Supreme Judge of the United States, in the Circuit Court of the Northern District of New-York, and sentenced to the payment of a fine of $100. For what? For asserting her right to representation in the Government, based on the idea that every person governed ought to have a voice in that Government. Here was a case occurring one hundred years after their ancestors had precipitated a rebellion for the maintenance of these rights, in which a native-born American citizen who was guilty of neither idiocy nor lunacy nor any offense was tried and convicted by a United States Court of a crime to which the punishment of State Prison attached, simply for the act of having exercised her right to vote. But she was satisfied that they would fight it out on this line if the contest were to last for the next hundred years. What was true of the Colonists of one hundred years ago was true in regard to the women of America to-day. What was their position at present? It did not matter to them whether the laws were all right or all wrong; they were made for them by another class, and consequently they are in a position of slavery. The cry that met them on every side was, "Are not women well cared for and well protected?" Now, the most difficult thing in the world was to make any one see a principle, when that principle was not violated in his or her person. The United States Government, Miss Anthony said, had better take warning, for women would never submit to taxation without representation. She then supplemented the list furnished by Mrs. Blake, of interesting ladies who declined any advances by the Government in the matter of levying taxes. She complained bitterly that a woman could not be tried by her peers, and said that this, and the right of women to vote, should be settled by the nation, and not by any petty State Legislature. For her part, she wished that her tongue would cleave to her mouth before ever she would ask the constituents of John Morrissey if they were willing she should vote.At the conclusion of Miss Anthony's address letters apologizing for their inability to attend were read from Rev. O.B. Frothingham, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and others. The resolutions were then adopted by the meeting, and a petition to the Legislature of the State of New-York was also adopted asking them to pass a law exempting women from taxation until they were represented in the Government.Mrs. Dr. Hallock next delivered a long address, in which she spoke of the inability of men and women to legislate for each other. For her own part, she said that when she saw a man with a cigar in his mouth and his feet on the mantelpiece, she did not know he felt. [Laughter.] While deprecating any intention of being severe on men, she contrived to say some very hard things, and among other matters divided the masculine animal, as she termed him, into three heads--males, men, and gentlemen.At the conclusion of her address the meeting adjourned.Tea Party TeachingsStaffNew York HeraldTea Party TeachingsNew York Women Glorify the "Mohawks" and Swing the Old-Time TomahawkWoman's Freedom Dawning.Logic, Justice and Precedent to Sustain Their Demands.No Taxation Without Representation.Six hundred good looking, intelligent women and about 60 average men assembled last night in the bijou theatre of the Union League Club to commemorate the centenary of the event known as "The Boston Tea Party," a bloodless little riot which inaugurated the Revolution in which the people of the United States won their independence. Very few people, as a proportion of the whole population, know exactly why the Boston "Mohawks" threw overboard the cargo of tea which has thus proved so historic beyond the fact that "it was because the people wouldn't pay the tax." But it was amply discussed last night and used most justly and adroitly to point the way in the peaceful revolution which the women of America threaten to achieve ere many more years have passed.The audience was assembled under the auspices of the Women's Suffrage Association of New York, of which Mrs. Clemence S. Lozier is president and Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake secretary. There was no bunting displayed, no mottoes on the walls, no decorations beyond those pertaining to the ornamentation of the theatre, but there was a house full of people who seemed very earnest, very thoughtful and very appreciative of the subject discussed. At least one-half of THE LADIES PRESENTwere elderly, and the other half, though young, were by no means silly nor so vain as the women who compose the majority of church congregations. It was very noticeable that when a lady entered and took her seat there was no quizzing of "what she had on," as though an inventory of clothes and styles was being taken by every other women.At a few minutes before eight o'clock some seven or eight ladies came upon the stage from one of the wings of the proscenium, among them being Mrs. Lozier, Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Dr. Hallock, Mrs. S. E. Barlow, Mrs. Shepherd, Mrs. Tilman and one or two others, well known as identified with the women's movement.Mrs. Lozier, after a few moments' pause, rose from the table at which she had seated herself and advanced to the front of the stage. She is a pleasant-faced, modest mannered, matronly lady, with a soft, light voice. Her hair of steely gray was worn in short ringlets, and she was attired in a dress of ashen gray silk, trimmed with the same material. Quoting the language of the circulars announcingTHIS MASS MEETING OF WOMEN,she said:-- "One hundred years ago our ancestors precipitated a rebellion by refusing to pay a tax on tea, imposed against their will. At the end of a century 20,000,000 of their daughters are suffering precisely the same wrong--taxation without representation--and it behooves us as their descendants to demand that the freedom for which our forefathers struggled shall be given to us also; and to demand of right that the coming centennial of American Independence shall find us enfranchised or freed from taxation and responsibility to a government which denies us personality and citizenship." Now, in looking to this end, she thought it would be well to look back and see what part women had taken in this early movement. Mercy Otis, afterwards Mrs. Warren, the sister of James Otis, was one of the foremost of the band of good women who had stood forward in the achievement of independence and had begun her work more than 100 years ago, for this movement, which resulted in the Boston tea party, was inaugurated and carried on for four or five years before the inception of the War of the Revolution. The people had been for years agitating the means and measures by which they should secure their rights--secure, not create--for God alone gave these rights, and we deny that man ever gave them. It was the inherent right of mankind to protect life, liberty and property. This was the innate prerogative of the people, for all good governments derive their powers from the consent of the people governed. As high authority as James Madison could be quoted for this doctrine, when he said, "It seems unjust that a mass of the people should not have a voice in the framing of the laws which they are to obey," and there is not right in any government to limit its application on account of sex or color. The right of representation is an inviolable right, and the fundamental law of the land is based upon our guarantees of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Every man valued these guaranteed conditions dearer than life, and there was no reason why women should not enjoy these rights equally with men.A WASHINGTONIAN WOMAN'S VIEWS.Mrs. Shepherd, a tall, well proportioned lady, dressed in black, who wore a bonnet during the meeting, and who has a somewhat severe though intellectual face, then read a lengthy letter from Ellen M. Barnard, dated at Washington, December 15, 1873. The writer expressed the belief that it was singularly appropriate that women should meet to celebrate the Boston tea party, and thought that trifling event was an exceedingly insignificant one to be the precursor of such great results. Women, she believed, wore their own fetters, and could, if they would, easily remove them. She closed by expressing the belief that whether women secure the rights they seek is a matter largely resting with themselves.Mrs. Blake, a tall, slender lady, of pleasing address and of impetuous bearing,THE MURAT OF THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT,always charging and never retreating, then advanced to the front of the proscenium. She wore no hat or bonnet, her jetty hair was neatly and very tastefully dressed, and she wore a black, heavy gros grain silk, with fluted overskirt. Mrs. Blake offered the following resolutions:--Resolved, That, as an expression of the sentiments of the taxpaying women of New York, we reiterate, as applied to ourselves, the declaration contained in the bill of rights put forth by our ancestors 100 years ago:--First-- That the women of this country are entitled to all the rights and privileges of the men of the country.Second-- That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people and the undoubted right of all men and women that no taxes be imposed on them but by their own consent given in person or by their representatives.Third-- That the only representatives of these women are persons chosen by themselves, and that no taxes ever have or can be constitutionally imposed upon them but by Legislatures composed of persons so chosen.The reading of the resolution was applauded, and Mrs. Blake, tossing the manuscript back to the table, said they were assembled here to commemorate the great event of 100 years ago, but she did not think they were going to let Boston absorb all the honors of the night. New York had had something to do with that movement--(applause)--and she felt proud, in looking over the records, to see how well it had done its part. That great effort did not have its origin in the fact thatTHE TAX IMPOSED ON TEAwas unjust, but because it was imposed without the consent of the persons taxed. Nor was tea the only article so taxed; for glass, paper and painters' colors were included. It was because the people had not been asked about it that they resisted it, and they succeeded in having the tax on these last named articles repealed, but the tax on tea remained. The English said, "But we send our soldiers to your country to protect you, and that is enough in return for your tax money," and she supposed that would be the answer made to-day on the demand of women, that they shall not be taxed unless they are allowed to participate in the framing of the laws and the expenditure of the revenues derived from them. However, King George's merchant's monopoly continued to send out their tea, and everybody knew what became of it when it reached Boston. (Applause.) But to come to New York. There was in this city at that time an organization properly known as "Sons of Liberty," but generally under the name of "Mohawks." On November 29, 1773, the "Mohawks" held a meeting, at which they adopted a series of resolutions, each resolution concluding with these words:-- "Whoever shall consent to the landing of this tea is an enemy to the liberties of the country." On the 16th of December,ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO TO-NIGHT,they met again at the then City Hall, and the Mayor and General Lamb were present at the meeting. General Lamb in a speech said that the tea must not be allowed to be put ashore, and the people agreed to that proposition. The question was afterwards put, "Shall the tea be landed?" and the whole assemblage responded three times, "No! no! no!" The tea ships were then shortly expected, but in consequence of stormy and adverse weather they were delayed. On the 18th of April the ship Nancy was signalled [sic] from the lower bay, under command of Captain Lockhard, and was notified by the people that she should not land her cargo. The tea ship London arrived two days later, and both vessels were kept in the harbor away from the wharves. Finally permission was given to the commanders to come ashore to procure provisions and other necessaries; but they were notified not to go near the Custom House to secure the entry of their cargoes. Some of their actions, however, at last awakened suspicion, and the "Mohawks" determined to throw the cargoes overboard; but before they could act a number of resolute people had already done the work. And so New York harbor had its "tea party" as well as Boston. (Applause.) And now the women of New York are holding this public meeting with a somewhat similar object. In casting that tea overboard the Mohawks did well, and she wished the women would do likewise and THROW OVERBOARD THE TAX COLLECTORSin a figurative sense. [Laughter.] They were here to protest against the taxation of women unless they were accorded representation also, and the movement, she believed, would soon be generally abroad in the land. At the close of this meeting they would have an opportunity of signing a protest against it, and of thus forming a league to signify their disapprobation of the tyranny and injustice of woman's present status. Rochester and San Francisco leagues had been already formed, and there were hundreds of women in the land who had refused to pay the taxes levied against their property.We have one lady now on the platform who has refused to pay and has not paid taxes on her property for three years past. (Applause.) At Seneca Falls, in this State, the women have refused to be imposed on by these unjust laws and have been in the habit of pelting the tax collectors with quotations from the constitution, and lately they have not been troubled, doubtless because the collectors did not relish this annual pelting. At Worcester, Mass., the Collector had in several instances obtained judgment against women for the amount of taxes assessed, but thus far they have not attempted to enforce the judgment--(applause)--so that after all it was probable that the men were better and juster than the laws. (Laughter.) At Glastonbury, Conn., two ladies recently came before a town meeting and told them that they would never again pay any more taxes; that they had been paying $200 a year and had no voice in the expenditure of it; and that if the authorities chose to sell out their property all they asked was that they would begin with the remotest parcels of it, so that their old homestead, 100 years in the family, might be spared to them as long as possible. Mrs. Blake then said that in taking up this position the women of to-day were not taking a step farther in advance than the people did 100 years ago, and cited many legislative authorities in support of her claim, dating back as far as the Congress of 1765 in New York. If taxation without representation was slavery 100 years ago, should we use any milder term for it now? There were here on this platform the grandsons and granddaughters of those who made those brave old declarations, and in this audience there were daughters of the land of Lafayette, of Tell and of Hermann. She asked them, then, whether they would calmly contribute their aid to a government which refused them equal rights. She begged of them to demand with one voice that the government either remove the unjust extortion or give women their absolute and inherent freedom. (Applause.)THE "CHAMPION"--"A CRIMINAL"Susan B. Anthony was next introduced by the chairwoman as "the great champion of liberty," and was received with very marked applause. Miss Anthony, the honest veteran, was dressed plainly, in black; her hair was done up in the old-fashioned back-knot, and her sober, earnest face looked worn, though lacking none of the old time fervor that is stamped on every feature. She said:--"My friends, I stand before you to-night a convicted criminal--(applause)--tried in the United States Court, convicted by a Supreme Court Judge in the Circuit Court of the northern district of New York, and sentenced to pay $100 fine and costs. (Applause.) For what? For asserting my right to representation in a government, based upon the one idea of the right of every person governed to participate in that government. This is the result at the close of 100 years of this government, that I, a native born American citizen, am found guilty of neither lunacy nor idiocy, but of a crime (?)--a States Prison offence--simply because I exercised our right to vote. If others rose to revolution because of a stamp duty, or a tax on tea, paper or glass, some would perhaps advocate such a measure here; but I don't propose to do so. We shall fight it out on this line for the next 100 years. (Applause.) It is nothing short of great outrage to attempt to govern human beings without their consent, and take from them their property and dispose of it without giving them any voice as to the manner of its disposition. So, ifWHAT WAS SAID 100 YEARS AGOof the colonists was true, it is equally true to-day of our women. Luther Martin said, "Those without votes are as absolutely the slaves of those with votes as the negroes are their slaves." There were, undoubtedly, 100 years ago, many who lived in quiet and plenty, who would never have risen of their own accord, and it was very likely that there were many women in the land who felt so inclined to-day. It is equally unjust toward woman, whether the laws affecting her are all right or all wrong. In any event, they are made for her without her consent or participation, and if they are wrong she must bear the greater burden.After quoting Benjamin Franklin on representation Miss Anthony continued--Would any one have thought that those men who thus talked and wrote would, after all, organize a government, as they did, on the blood and bones of 3,000,000 of fellow men--I mean the slaves--and exclude from participation nearly one-half the people? The United States government had better be wise in time, for these women, she thought, would not much longer submit to the tyranny of taxation without representation. Mrs. Gage and herself had been pretty well over the ground, and women were everywhere awakening to the injustice of their condition and refusing to pay the taxes. (Applause.)Miss Anthony then gave many incidents of women, with names and residences, who had refused to pay, one of whom had not had the assessments enforced for six years past. In Rochester a committee had been to the assessment records and had copiedTHE LIST OF TAX PAYING WOMEN,urging them not to submit. There were 5,000 of them, representing property to the value of $7,000,000, 400 of them living in the Eighth ward of that city alone, where the speaker also resides. The women of today were organized precisely as they had organized 100 years ago, and eminent lawyers all over the land would sustain the technical legality as well as the intrinsic justice of their claims. All the women need is a little courage and some cash to make the Courts themselves affirm the justice of it and accord their rights one way or the other. History tells us that the press of 100 years ago was with the people, but she was sorry to say that, with few exceptions, the press of to-day was recreant to this simplest principle of human justice and right.At the close of Miss Anthony's address, which was very lengthy and equally logical, several letters were read, among them being one from Rev. O. B. Frothingham, and another from Elizabeth Cady Stanton, expressing regret at the inability of the writers to be present, and sympathizing with their work.THE RESOLUTIONS WERE ADOPTEDand a collection taken up to defray expenses, and notice was given that a petition had been prepared for signatures, memorializing the Legislature for the repeal of the existing unjust laws, and that it was desirable that as many as could would sign it.Mrs. Dr. Hallock, a very genteel, pleasant faced lady, with a soft voice and much innocent satire in her tone and expression, was next introduced, and addressed the audience briefly and in a very witty manner. She said she must not be considered as hard on the men, for she only referred to those out of doors. The fact was the fault does not lie at their doors, for it has been tolerated for centuries; but the men may remove the evil of which they complained to-night. Men did not understand women altogether, although they were always presenting theories about them in books and speeches. Some of their ideas made her shiver,OTHERS MADE HER BURN.An American physician had written a book on American women, in which he critised [sic] them, and said some were good wives, some were good mothers, some were good in both capacities and some were good in neither. (Laughter.) It reminded her of a poultry book where some hens were classed as good setters and others as good layers, and so on. (Laughter.) She had seen men with cigars in their mouths and their feet on mantel pieces, or making pools of tobacco juice beside her in the street cars. She thought the best thing to do with them was to put them by themselves in a pen. (Laughter.) She could say many things about men, but as it was now late she would draw to a close, adding that she had them classified as males, men and gentlemen. She didn't know that she should vote if she had a vote, but she certainly would not vote for such candidates as the last few years had produced in New York. She thought, however, that the good time and future was coming, and would encourage women to work and wait.The meeting then adjourned, and a large number of ladies signed the legislative petition.Mrs. Stanton DepartsStaffWashington PostMrs. Stanton Departs.Miss Phoebe Couzins Gave Her a Kiss as a Farewell Token. All the Audience ApplaudedIncidents of the Woman Suffrage Convention Which Began at Lincoln Hall Yesterday--A Trio of Speakers Interest the Evening Gathering--Addresses To-day.A more distinguished gathering of women never assembled in Washington than the one of yesterday at Lincoln Music Hall at the formal opening of the National American Woman Suffrage Convention. From orchestra to top gallery the seats were filled, and in the audience were many ladies of prominence, while on the stage was noticed Lucy Stone Blackwell, Susan B. Anthony, Julia Ward Howe, Rev. Olympia Brown, Phoebe Couzins, Lillie Devereaux Blake, Isabella Beecher Hooker, Dr. Susan A. Edson, William Dudley Foulke, May Wright Sewall, Virginia L. Minor, and others.The stage was not decorated in any way, save a large shield with the armorial design of Wyoming, decorated with flags, which was placed in position near the secretary's table after the convention had been called to order. Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton occupied a seat near the speaker's table. She wore a black beaded silk with white silk shawl, and no one could look into the happy, smiling face without feeling that she is indeed a noble woman.When Mrs. Stanton arose to call the meeting to order there was loud and prolonged applause and waving of handkerchiefs. When quiet was restored she said that she wished to extend thanks to her friends for again making her president. "I can assure you that in going to England as president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association I feel it a greater honor than if I had been sent as a minister plenipotentiary to any court in Europe. I have some resolutions which I wish Mrs. Colby to read. They are my own, and the association is not responsible. This is the only session I will be here, and I want them read now."The resolutions wanted a thorough organization of forces; asserted that the disfranchisement of one-half the people of the nation is an assumption of power by lawmakers; that the persecution of freedom is due to the narrow policy of their defenders a quarter of a century ago; requesting that there be no further legislation on the divorce question until woman has a voice in the National Government, and concluding as follows:That the time has come for women to demand of the Church the same equal recognition she demands of the State--to assume her right and duty to take part in the revision of the Bibles, prayer books, and creeds; to vote on all questions of business; to fill the offices of elder, deacon, Sunday school superintendent, pastor, and bishop, and have the right to sit in ecclesiastical synods, assemblies, and conventions as delegates, that thus our religion may no longer reflect only the masculine element of humanity, and that women, the mother of the race, be honored as she must be before we can have a happy home, a rational religion and an enduring government.Mrs. Stanton read her address sitting at the table. Her voice was clear, strong, and pure. In opening she gave briefly a history of the organization and its work. The struggle for woman suffrage had been a severe one, but the better day was coming. Apathy and indifference of society to all reforms was one cause of the slow progress, and lack of thorough and widespread organization was another. The consolidation of the National and American Associations was a benefit, and would hasten the day, and that in less than ten years women would be voting in every State in the Union. The women simply wanted to exercise a right as old as the Constitution. Women could no longer be patient. Equal rights in the church and government were demanded. The association is opposed to all union of church and State. Mrs. Stanton referred in strong terms to the race question, saying the colored people were not given their rights, and especially in the South. Education, and not legislation, was the thing needed.When Mrs. Stanton had concluded, her daughter, Mrs. Harriet Stanton Blatch of England, was introduced and made a short address. She said that in matters of labor and social trouble England was far in advance of America. Americans are too conservative, and especially the women.The address of William Dudley Foulke, of Indiana, predicated that the time would soon come when men and women would be equal in every right before the law.The hour having arrived for Mrs. Stanton to leave, Phoebe Couzins placed her arm around her and asked the audience to give three cheers, and they were given by the gentlemen while the ladies waved their handkerchiefs and shouted. An affectionate kiss was planted on Miss Stanton's lips, which Miss Couzins said was for every man, woman and child present.A Trio of Speakers.They Add Their Arguments in Behalf of Equal Rights.Half an hour in advance of the time set for the commencement of the evening session, the doors of Lincoln Music Hall were thrown open to accommodate the urgent demands for admission and to relieve the street of the crowd that had gathered and was blockading travel, especially on the sidewalks. While the assemblage was large, it was noticeable that representatives of the masculine gender were greatly in the minority, in fact, almost entirely eclipsed by the overwhelming presence of the female, but hardly, in this instance, to be termed the weaker sex.On the contrary, she was traveling on the independent line, and seemed fully competent to carry out the assertion made that she was amply able to take care of and protect herself. The audience at first gathered rapidly, and for some reason the first gallery offered the favorite place and was the best filled. The upper one was almost entirely empty, and the seats on the ground floor were only two-thirds of them occupied when the hour for the convention to reconvene was reached. Later, however, many of the chairs were taken, but there was an abundance of room throughout the evening.On the platform were Miss Anthony, Mrs. Hooker, Mrs. Blake, Miss Chant, of England; Robert Purvis, Mr. Kinckley, and others helping to fill out the semi-circle row of seats. Time was slipping by and there was a delay in getting to work, the advertised speakers for the evening being tardy in putting in an appearance, but shortly after 8 o'clock the stage chandelier was brightened. Miss Anthony hit a blow of the gavel on the table as an invitation for attention. She then gave notice regarding the procurement of railroad certificates for delegates. Evidently the audience misunderstood her and started on a move. All the front rows on both floors had been, for some purpose, reserved, and when she spoke about travel the invitations was at once acted upon and the audience took possession of the reserved portion of the house, which merely transferred the vacant space from the front to the rear of the hall.When quiet was restored, Miss Anthony told them that she had been misunderstood, and if the ushers later should call upon them to vacate, they must not feel offended, as they had taken places that might be sold during the evening and demanded by the purchaser. It turned out, however, that very few of them were disturbed.Miss Anthony made other announcements concerning the session of this morning. Miss Chant sang a song, and then Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker, of Connecticut, was introduced to speak of "The Centennial of 1892," which was jokingly termed a new subject in Washington. Mrs. Hooker said that she had no speech to make and did not contemplate making any, but would indulge in a short talk. In some way, she would like to see this coming demonstration differ from any other anniversary the country had ever held. Not like that of 1876 or 1881, or any other. She had prepared a speech on the subject but never delivered it until the meeting of the international council, and then heard afterwards that it had been written by her husband. She printed 2,000 copies of the speech and was getting it read. Many had asked her for her photograph, and she gave it conditioned on the recipient reading the speech, and in that way it was becoming generally read. But her husband had nothing to do with it except that she let him read it just before she started for the international council.Paul, she said, told them to consult their husbands, but she thought many of them would be in a mighty bad way if their information came from no other source. Still, she had no cause, individually, to complain. She spoke of the difficulties experienced in pushing the cause in Connecticut, and told the story of a conversation with a resident there, who said if he caught his wife at a suffrage meeting he would drag her home with a halter around her throat. Subsequently the meeting was held, but the woman was not with them, and under the circumstances no one thought it strange, for she was not one of the kind loving a halter. She referred to the stature of justice in the dome of the public building in Hartford, and claimed that it was an evidence of man's ingratitude, because they only put women in high places out in the cold, instead of bringing them down and into court, where justice impartial should be given. Her reference to the centennial was exceedingly brief. She thought that women should be put on the board of management and control as men were, paid as men were, and then get up something that would ever after reflect honor and glory upon this nation.Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell, of Albany, N.Y., followed as the next speaker, being programmed to talk of "the present." She said that the world had ever held women in subjection, and she had come up out of degradation to the position she now occupies. They had been told years ago and continued to be told that woman's brain was not equal to that of man, and that they could not enter colleges. They could look back to the time when men stole their wives, and since then they bought them. If they would look back forty years they would find the progress that woman had made, and it was all owing to the sturdy, persistent light that the noble women had made. To day they found women not only in colleges, but carrying off the prizes from the boys, enjoying their rights to some extent in Kansas, and if the men were loyal they would soon be similarly situated in South Dakota. She claimed that the world of to-day was for the women, and upon them and their efforts depended its prosperity and perpetuity. If they were to be hurled back into the havens and the doors shut against their advancement, that would be the end of a common people in a common country where all were equal before the law. Mrs. Howell closed her speech with an appeal for pensions for army nurses.Mrs. Laura A. Chant, of England, said that when she arrived in this country a heavy fog enveloped New York harbor. As this fog in course of time lifted, so would the cause for which women struggled be gained in time. She pictured the coming woman an ideal of beauty devoid of all these "make ups" that come at great cost and are worn at great expense. As to dress and adornment the revolution had been entered upon, and the results already reached are astonishing and remarkable. She thought that in the days to come mothers would train and dress their children in such a way as to properly fit them to fight their way in the walks of life.Gymnasiums were wanted as much for girls as for boys, and it would be found that physical culture was as essential to one as the other. If this had been done long since asylums would not now be filled with the weak-minded and broken-down. She thought there should be gymnasiums everywhere, and parents should teach the girls, as well as the boys, the beauty, pleasure, and importance of learning to swim together, with the beneficial results that follow. In it will be found the elements for keeping up a flow of good spirits and good temper in the family life.Miss Chant was very confident that the coming woman would be the incarnation of all that would be essential for common sense, love, peace, and charity. She would be glad to acquire knowledge, religion, and be the veritable women to whom all could come for health, advice, affection, sympathy, and comfort.On motion of Representative Pickler, of Dakota, the audience gave the speakers a vote of thanks, and the meeting was declared adjourned.The session this morning will commence at 10:30, with short State reports being made in the first hour. Then will follow a discussion to be participated in by Alice M. Pickler, South Dakota; Rev. Frederick A. Hinckley, Massachusetts; Senator Blair, New Hampshire; Susan B. Anthony, and Alice Stone Blackwell.Miss Phoebe W. Couzins, of Missouri, who is to address the convention this evening upon "Woman's influence in official government," has many friends in Washington, and is well known both in the law and on the rostrum. She will be remembered as having successfully discharged the duties of the United States marshalship in the Eastern Missouri district after the death of her father, and quite recently she has received an appointment in the Census Bureau as special agent to report upon recorded indebtedness in St. Louis. The following notice of Miss Couzins is from the St. Louis Spectator of February 1:The presence of Miss Phoebe Couzins on the streets and in public resorts of St. Louis, after so many months of painful illness, is most gratifying to her friends. Each day she relies less on her crutch, and, faithful as it has been, one hopes to see it some day put aside. Deep and, it is to be feared, lasting effects of her suffering and danger are apparent, but that vivacious laugh and sparkling wit, her distinguishing characteristics, remain in a striking degree. Miss Couzins' career as a lawyer, a lecturer, and as United States marshal is well known and present features unparalleled. She has demonstrated the fact that a woman can discharge the duties of United States marshal promptly, efficiently, and without inconvenience or embarrassment. She challenges examination as an official, feeling a very laudable pride in the fact that her accounts and every detail in regard to her public trust received neat and correct attention. That she was the first woman appointed to such an office has made her an object of national attention. Personally she is a favorite in St. Louis. Her fine physique, beautiful features, and engaging manners, have made her many friends and admirers, who feel a strong attachment to her. To such the news that she has received a recent appointment will be most gratifying.Orators and SuffrageStaffWashington PostOrators and SuffrageThe Pleas of the Women for the Rights of the Ballot.A Day at the New Music HallBad Weather Reduced the Audience at Night to a Small Number, but the Members of the Convention Were as Enthusiastic as Ever--The Speeches.Before the subject of yesterday morning's discussion was taken up by the National American Woman Suffrage Association a roll call of the States was made and reports on the progress of the movement throughout the country were submitted. Miss Anthony occupied the chair of the presiding officer in the absence of Mrs. Stanton, who went to New York on the day before. The attendance was not as large yesterday as has been customary at sessions of this association. Reports were read by Eugenia B. Farner, for Kentucky; Harriet Purvis, for Pennsylvania; Lillie Devereaux Blake, for New York; Harriette R. Shattuck, for Massachusetts; Clara A. McDiarmid, Arkansas, and Rev. Olympia Brown, Washington.After a couple of very sweet songs, very prettily song by Miss Johnson, Alice M. Pickler, of South Dakota, opened the discussion of "The Attitude of this Association Toward Political Parties." Rev. Frederick A. Hinckley, of Massachusetts, thought that no entangling alliances should be made with either party, but that the association should urge its rightful demands upon both. Hon. William Dudley Foulke, of Indiana, indorsed the general tenor of Mr. Hinckley's address. Remarks were also made by Rev. Olympia Brown, of Wisconsin; Mrs. Fray, of Ohio, Mrs. Shea, of Kentucky; Isabella Beecher Hooker, Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Root, of Michigan; Julia Ward Howe and Mary Wright Sewell. The discussion was, in general, harmonious and on a high plane, though at times a sectional feeling would creep in. The morning session came to a close at 1 o'clock, it having been first decided that in future speeches should be limited to five minutes each.Water evidently has a deterring effect upon the suffrage cause, or, rather, those who are not the immediate workers and supporters, but who attend upon the sessions more to hear the propositions discussed and views expressed, as the audience at Lincoln Music Hall last night at the hour for reconvening the convention was exceedingly slim, and, being scattered, made it look smaller than it really was. The top gallery was almost entirely empty, the first had very few occupants back of the fifth row from the balcony, while on the main floor there was an abundance of vacant seats, and no reason for persons being uncomfortable.Postmaster Ross came in early and picked out a back seat, but soon decided that it was not acceptable, and moved near the stage and touched elbows with the audience on the grand floor. General Banks entered shortly after the postmaster had become satisfactorily located, and selected a chair near him. Both were interested spectators, and sat the session out.Miss Anthony, the embodiment of promptness and punctuality, walked on to the stage a few minutes in advance of the hour to resume the consideration of business and chatted with Mrs. Hooker until some of those published as the speakers of the evening put in their appearance and the programme [sic] could be entered upon.Twenty minutes after the advertised hour, the lights of the stage were turned up, Miss Anthony grasped the gavel with a firm hand and rapped once sharply on the table at the front of the stage and requested the convention to come to order. As if in compliance the hum of conversation was hushed and silence reigned.The vice president at large then announced that Miss Johnson would sing "Glide on Fair Bark," which the young lady did in a most acceptable manner.Mrs. Carrie Lane Chapman, of Iowa, was introduced to talk on "The Symbol of Liberty." She thought that the government of this country had yet far to go before it reached perfection. Reference was made to the reports that yearly went abroad of fraud, corruption and packed conventions, which did not represent the will of the majority, but only the manipulators of politics.Abroad they knew little of the power or value of the ballot, but here it was soon learned that the ballot had a money value, and was wielded at the will of the manipulators. Never was an army drill controlled or officered with that completeness as was the political army of to-day. The political boss was the reigning autocrat, and his command must be obeyed, as his word was final.Comparison was made of the early days, when men voted according to their honest views and the politics of the present, and it was asserted that now men go as they are purchased. A middleman, Mrs. Chapman said, had become necessary in this fraud and corruption, and the political boss came into existence, and to him was allotted the work of fixing the price for a nomination, and reward for securing an election. The boss issued his orders and they passed from captain to lieutenant until they reached the lowest officer, and then there came forth from dens and haunts of vice the most disgraceful specimens of degraded humanity ever seen, who were to do the bidding, and carry out the contract of the boss by voting the machine ticket.So far as she had been able to ascertain from New York to California, the political boss was either foreign born or of foreign parentage. Political bossism was possible in America because of the ignorance of its people and their submission. It was yearly gaining strength here, and while through Castle Garden there came marching millions of new recruits to give it strength, it would continue to become stronger.This Republic, she asserted, was in danger, and what was the remedy? They should turn aside prejudices and see if there was not some more equitable way of establishing citizenship. Intelligence should be one of the requirements, and such voters would be amply able to create its laws and control its Government. Morality should also be a requisite, and she assured her audience that the advocates of the suffrage cause would accept it.Independence of action would also be acceptable to them, and the woman would be willing to have her record stand beside that of the man. They would also debar the employer who compelled his employees to vote his will, not theirs, and, above all, shut out the political boss, who makes traffic of the ballot-box, and suffrage corrupt. With these conditions as a basis for citizenship this country would become an aristocracy with an ideal government.Miss Clara Barton was programmed as the next speaker, but sent regrets, as she is busy getting in shape for Congressional consideration her bill relative to Army nurses.Mrs. McClellan Brown, of Ohio, was the next speaker presented, and whom Miss Anthony said Congress would delight to hear. Mrs. Brown confined herself to the question, "What is sovereignty, and can there be in it such a thing as sex?"She contended that if sovereignty was such a thing so close to selfhood as to be inseparable from it, and involved the principles of right. She defined selfhood and the consciousness that should guide them into supreme manhood and womanhood. AS they rose in this consciousness they would, while feeling their own entity, recognize one supreme above all. In this situation they would feel their own individuality and responsibility before the great I am and deny the superiority of those who claimed it as a right.While admitting the sovereignty of men, it was denied that it belonged exclusively to them, but she claimed that the time had come when it should become general and accessible to all. She thought that a change was brooding, sentiment was seeding up from crystallization and through the ballot-box was coming the liberty of the people of God.Miss Phoebe W. Couzins, of Missouri, was the last speaker of the evening, and her subject was "Women's Influence in Official Government."She prefaced her remarks by describing the centennial anniversary scene in Philadelphia and also the announcement there, at midnight hour, of the fall of Yorktown and the insurance of America's freedom. While she recollected, she said, that the jubilee rang out freedom for all, she recollected also that it forgot the mother of the race to whom freedom did not come. Being the only one of her sex who had enjoyed official recognition, Miss Couzins said that she proposed to give some reminiscences of her experiences in public office. She stated that the office of marshal was hereditary and came to this country from England. Women had repeatedly held by appointment and cited ladies of nobility who had held office and performed the duties. In this country the office was purely ministerial and the marshal was under heavy bond for the faithful performance of the duties.When President Arthur appointed her father as marshal she was sworn in as a deputy, and thus stood in line of promotion.When President Cleveland came in Congressman Glover was told to make charges against the office, and she wrote and asked him concerning it. He replied, and was foolish enough to unfold his plan.She gathered up the papers, hastened to the President, and laid all the facts before him. He indorsed the bills; she returned home, and, despite the set made against her, Mr. Cleveland stood by her and she held on. Repeated efforts were made in this same direction, and she again visited President Cleveland and informed him of the continued sickness of her father, and unless better at a certain time he would resign. He assured her that he was not inhuman, and that she should not be dispirited.Her father died September 4, and Justice Miller noticing that the vacancy existed in the marshall's office appointed her marshal ad interem and required her to qualify in the sum of $40,000. She said that this appointment resulted in a bitter warfare, followed by an appointment of a new marshal, which involved confusion, loss, and needless expense in the office.Not fifteen minutes after Justice Miller had made her appointment the district attorney's office was searching the laws to see if they could not impeach him. Failing in that direction they sent a messenger here to state the situation, but the President would not see him and he had the journey for his pains. Miss Couzins then referred to the opposition shown her in trying to perform her duty, and the efforts to hamper the office.In the midst of this discouraging situation the office became financially distressed, and she borrowed money on her own responsibility from the banks and personally paid the interest.She then referred to the occasion of her being sworn into office with bondsmen able to justify in $1,000,000, and at the conclusion, Justice Miller smiling saying, "Well, Miss Marshal, I hope during the administration of your office, you will not be called on to hang any man."Miss Couzens spoke of the appointment of her successor and the combined efforts of the district attorney's office and the press to convey to the public the impression that, great confusion prevailing in the office, paralyzed everything.Her experiences with her successor was given, and showed lack of politeness, want of gentlemanly conduct and a persistent disposition to seize the office regardless of law, right, or justice, and to the financial loss of the Government.She was persecuted in every way, suits instituted against her for alleged deficiencies, but she had lived to disprove all calumnies and come off victorious before the courts, the suits having failed to be sustained by proof.Miss Anthony announced the programme [sic] for to-day, which is as published with one exception. Mrs. Harrison has agreed to receive the officers and delegates of the convention this afternoon. Those wishing to attend will meet in the parlors of the Riggs House at 4 o'clock.Miss Anthony's HopesStaffWashington PostMiss Anthony's HopesShe is Not Discouraged by the Indifference of Congress.Urges All to Fresh EffortAlthough the Woman Suffrage Association Has Been Meeting Here for Twenty Years With Little Apparent Effect at the Capitol, She Appeals for new Endeavor.The Woman's Suffrage Convention concluded its labors yesterday, and devoted most of the morning session to hearing reports from the representatives of the different States.Dr. Emily H. Stowe, a delegate from Toronto, gave an interesting account of the work in Canada, where "all women who are fortunate enough not to have husbands may have a vote," and was followed by Mrs. Sarah M. Kimball, of Utah; Mrs. May Wright Sewall, of Indiana, and Mrs. Laura M. Johns, of Kansas, who spoke encouragingly of the progress of the work in their respective States.Miss Anthony's brother, Col. Daniel Anthony, of Kansas, gave an interesting account of the workings of the municipal suffrage law in that State, interspersing it with several witty hits about his position among so many able women, who understood the subject better than he.Mrs. Johns and Mrs. Colby spoke of the effect of woman suffrage on marriage, and Mrs. Emily B. Ketcham read the report for Michigan.Miss Phoebe Couzins credited a woman, Betsy Ross, who made the first American flag, with having given the country its name.Mrs. Clara B. Colby, of the Woman's Tribune; Miss Alice Blackwell, of the Woman's Journal, and others spoke of newspaper work for women, after which the convention adjourned until 3 o'clock.During the afternoon an executive session was held for nearly two hours. A number of amendments to the constitution were discussed, but it was finally decided to make no change in that document for another year.The question of the adoption of the badge now worn by the members as the national badge was also considered, but no definite conclusion reached beyond the agreement that they would wear them eight months longer. The contest in South Dakota will settle the fate of the badge. If the suffrage cause is successful there it will give renewed life and prominence to the badge, but should the cause meet with defeat, down with it will go the badge.The closing session of the convention was opened on time at 7:45 o'clock, with a larger audience present than that for three evenings previous, probably accounted for by the fact that the friends of the movement wished to make a good showing in closing the four days' work. Miss Johnson and Mrs. Chant sang duet, entitled "Good Night."Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace, of Indiana, has introduced to talk on "A whole humanity." Mrs. Wallace thought that the animus to woman's freedom had been misunderstood to mean competition, but instead it meant co-operation in the work of the world. She claimed that those who were dormant and indifferent were merely undeveloped.Rev. Olympia Brown, of Wisconsin, then explained "Where is the mistake?" She referred to the many centennial celebrations that had closely followed each other in the rejoicing of the people, and amidst it all the discovery had been made that it was all a mistake.Rev. Annie H. Shaw, of Illinois, spoke of "Our unconscious allies." She made reference to the clergy, and said that in that class they had more of them on their side than the members of any other profession, and those that were not with them were aiding by their opposition.Miss Anthony referred to the convention that was just closing, the appeals that had been made, and she inquired how many years would elapse before Congress would turn away from their appeals to justice. This was the twenty-second year in which they had been made, and still they are not granted. She urged all not to cease their labors until their appeal was recognized.Appeals were made for the South Dakota fund, and additional subscriptions were received. Notice was given of a meeting at the Riggs House at 10 o'clock this morning, and that Mrs. Chant, of England, would speak at the Congregational Church on to-morrow afternoon. Then there was music and the convention of 1890 finally adjourned.Got Lost in DiscussionStaffWashington PostGot Lost in DiscussionA Parliamentary Tangle in the Woman's Suffrage Convention.Mrs. Stanton Gains Her PointSpirited Contest Between the East and the West--Won't Go to Chicago in '93--The Event of To-day Will Be the Election of Officers.Tuesday's sessions of the convention of the National American Woman's Suffrage Association were pregnant with significant questions. The most lively event of the day was the discussion of an amendment to [fire?] by-laws to allow the next convention of the association to be held in Chicago in 1893. A resolution to that effect had been recommended by the resolution committee, which was in charge of Miss Laura Clay, of Kentucky, the chairman. The discussion was decidedly spirited, and resolved itself into a fight between the East and the West, with the latter supported by the radical branch from the East. Miss Clay favored the move to Chicago next year, because of the grand concourse of women to be gathered there, and because of the good that would result from changing the convention to another city than Washington. Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony, and Mrs. Hooker strenuously opposed any change from the Capital. The convention came here, had a hearing before the Congressional committees, their speeches were printed in full, the associations bought them at a nominal rate, and Congressmen franked them for the women. Miss Anthony considered that the literature thus secured was simply invaluable, and the convention ought to come here simply to secure the literature. She thought the work done in influencing Congressmen as accomplished by the convention was great, and ought not to be given up. Thereupon a delegate arose, said she was a Congressman's wife, and she wanted to tell the convention that that consideration need not influence the association in the least, since the Congressmen were governed by their constituency, and the best thing for the association to do was to work for the creation of a sentiment in constituencies sufficient to elect Congressmen favorable to suffrage legislation, and that was the only way to secure favorable action.This statement, coming from a Congressman's wife, made a deep impression, which Mrs. Murphy, of Toledo, assisted by stating her opinion that not only should the laws be so amended that the convention could go to Chicago in 1893, but that hereafter it should be a migratory convention, to be held in the capitals of the States where the creation or crystallization of a sentiment was most needed.Mrs. Marble, of the District of Columbia, spoke in favor of Mrs. Murphy's suggestion, and aroused enthusiasm by her allusions to what would be accomplished by such action.Carrie Lane Chapman, of Washington, backed her up with a statement that the West in this matter felt they had not a fair show. The convention ought to be held where more could attend. Some one suggested an international convention at Chicago, and a business meeting here. That captured the leaders of the no-move party, and the platform proceeded to advocate it.Mrs. Stanton said: "When Congress moves we'll move, and not till then." Meantime three or four women on the floor were seeking recognition. The West was fighting hard. Ohio, Kentucky, and Indiana were backed up by Massachusetts for Chicago, and it was a pretty contest. The chair became confused, failed to keep the resolution (to amend the by-laws so they could go to Chicago) in view, and was trying to get a vote on going to Chicago instead. Alice Stone Blackwell threw one gauntlet down by saying migratory conventions were the destiny of the association, and it made no difference what action was taken now, it was coming soon.Mrs. Beecher Hooker threw a disastrous bomb by saying the Columbian Exposition would be opened in October, 1892, but that exhibits wouldn't be ready till '93. This mixed things up. Half the women who really favored Chicago got the idea that it wasn't the next convention that should be held there--thought '93 was two conventions ahead instead--and while several women tried to straighten up the tangle Mrs. Stanton got the vote taken, and although one-third of the delegates didn't realize what they had voted on the resolution to change the by-laws to allow the annual convention to be held in Chicago was lost.The Western women were on their feet at once. Illinois claimed that the West was unfairly treated. They had nine votes, but only one was there, while the District of Columbia outrated them. Illinois wanted its full vote and a call for vote by States was made. This was impossible. Washington State was in the protest very lively, and notice of an amendment to the constitution was at once given that will give the absent delegates a vote and the West may be able to look after itself.When this was settled the report by States, which had been started in the morning, was resumed with Georgia, which was represented by Miss Claudia Howard, who wore a short black silk skirt, a natty ruffled white blouse, and sleeveless zouave jacket, with a broad black hat and white cord. Miss Howard is a newspaper woman, a suffragist, and an architect.Kansas was reported for by Mrs. Benoit, who showed that, far from the women not voting, in some cases their vote was seven-eighths of the male vote and in others two-thirds. Fifty per cent improvement had been made during the year, and the recruits were from the better classes. Both sides were espoused by women, and, in order to win, the men had to consult the preferences of the women. No matter what differences of political opinion existed, the women pull together amicably. She gave a concise account of the results of woman suffrage and some of the faults that existed in the present methods. The most suggestive thing in the whole report was the conclusion reached that municipal suffrage was a barrier rather than an aid to securing further suffrage.Mrs. Eleanor Ball, of Rhode Island, has a new idea for securing Congressional suffrage, and will present the following to the committee:Believing that women, as a part of the people, and, therefore, citizens of the United States, are entitled to vote for members of Congress.Resolved, That the National American Woman Suffrage Association urge upon Congress to protect women in their right to register and vote for members of the House of Representatives.The matter of Sunday at the Columbian Fair proved too knotty a subject for the committee, after a long discussion, and the convention will probably be saved any action on that topic.There are many important ideas working under the surface at this convention, and the importance of some of them for the future of woman suffrage is only appreciated by a few, or, if understood, the delegates are still bound by certain traditions, so one of the prominent Western women says, and dare not openly advocate them.At the opening of the afternoon session Mrs. Hooker spoke on the Columbian Exposition, and Miss Anthony read several communications from Mr. Bowney, who has charge of the arrangements of congresses to be held in connection with the Columbian Exposition.The evening session had a good attendance considering the weather.Clara Newman spoke on "The true daughters of the republic," Clara Colby described the condition of affairs in Wyoming resulting from woman's enfranchisement, and delighted the audience with her bright criticisms on the statistics proving the great change for the better that occurred since women voted.Mrs. Lide Meriweather, of Tennessee, the famous woman of the Silent Seven, took "Dreams that go by contrary" for a topic. Mrs. Meriweather is the humorist of the association, and she didn't disappoint anyone.The event of to-day will the election of officers in the afternoon. The POST's announcements of what was going on in this line was the talk of the day. Yesterday confirmed the idea of a spirited contest, but it is expected that one or two states will be cracked and forces concentrated. The president is liable to be a very active woman of the conservatives, and one highly venerated, while one of the younger candidates for president will turn into the accompanying vice president.There will be no morning session of the Woman's Suffrage Association, but instead there will be a hearing before the select committee on suffrage in the Senate reception-room. At this hearing twenty-six States will be represented.At the evening session Carrie Lane Chapman, the powerful new orator, speaks in "The mission of a republic." Miss Chapman has a surprise in store for those who hear her. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon has for a subject, "The influence of women's organizations," and Rev. Anna H. Shaw, "The injustice of chivalry." Miss Adelaide Johnson will hold an informal reception that ladies of the convention can see the busts of Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony, Thursday, January 21, from 5 to 7 o'clock at 1603 S street.Finland's Greeting to Mrs. StantonStaffNew York TimesFinland's Greeting to Mrs. StantonBaroness Gripenberg Sends Good Wishes from Finland.Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, whose birthday anniversary is to be celebrated on Tuesday next at the Metropolitan Opera House, has just received the following letter from Baroness Gripenberg:Helsingfors, Finland, Oct. 19, 1895:Dear Madam: The earliest founded Woman's Rights Association in Finland, Einsk Kvinnoforsning, sends you a respectful greeting on your eightieth birthday. The work you have done to raise and enlighten womanhood has influenced the work done for women all over the world. Our little country shows a reflex of it in our association, whose platform is almost the same as that published by the first woman's rights meeting in Seneca Falls in 1848.Accept our most respectful thanks for the inspiration your noble work has been for all laborers in our common cause.Alexandra Gripenberg, President.The Seneca Falls meeting referred to was held in Mrs. Stanton's house on July 19 and 20, 1848, on which occasion the first formal demand for woman suffrage was made.Mrs. Stanton's Birthday PartyStaffNew York HeraldMrs. Stanton's Birthday Party.Enthusiastic Women Pay Tribute to Her Efforts at the Metropolitan Opera House.She Speaks to the Men.Gives Her Assurance that the New Woman Will Take Good Care of Her Brother and Husband.Many Prominent Speakers.An immense audience, composed mainly of women, gathered in the Metropolitan Opera House in celebration of the eightieth birthday of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, last night.Among those on the platform were Susan B. Anthony and her sister, Mary S. Anthony, Matilda Joselyn Gage, Mme. Antoinette Stirling, Dr. M. Louise Thomas, Mrs. Elizabeth B. Grannis, Dr. Hannah Longshore, Dr. Jane V. Myers, Mrs. Louisa Southworth and Elizabeth Sheldon. Above the high red back of Mrs. Stanton's improvised throne white chrysanthemums formed a ground on which a flame of carnations wove her name, "Stanton," and festoons of roses dropped from the ends around her chair. The tiers of boxes were draped here and there to show where the various women's organizations sat.ONE MILLION REPRESENTED.Mrs. Mary Lowe Dickinson, president of the National Council of Women, in her introductory address, said that not less than one million women in organizations in the United States were represented in the audience. She introduced the only man speaker of the evening, Mr. Job Hedges, who addressed the assembly on behalf of Mayor Strong. Mrs. Stanton, he said, had written the declaration of human independence upon every heart.Mrs. M. Carey Thomas, of Bryn Mawr, followed with a review of the progress of women in obtaining higher education. Susan B. Anthony was greeted with cheers when she came forward to read the congratulations which had come to Mrs. Stanton.The Rev. Anna Shaw objected to the task of telling in five minutes of the progress of women in religion in the last fifty years. "The worst chain that has ever bound women," she said, "has been the chain of religious superstition."Madame Antoinette Stirling sang, and after brief addresses by Mrs. Mary T. Burt, of the New York W.C.T.U., Mrs. A.S. Quinton on "Work Among the Indians" and the Rev. Ida Hultin on "Moral Progress," Mrs. Stanton was led forward for a few words. The entire large audience rose to its feet, and the great space seemed filled with fluttering handkerchiefs, while the applause was so long continued that Mrs. Stanton was unable for some moments to speak.MRS. STANTON'S ASSURANCE"I am unable to stand long," she said, "but before I sit down I want to say just one word to the men. After all that has been said for the last forty years I am afraid they begin to feel that the new woman will crowd them off the planet. Let me say, as long as you have mothers, and wives, and sisters, and sweethearts, you may be sure they will take care of you." She walked slowly back, with the help of her cane, and Miss Helen Potter read the paper which Mrs. Stanton had prepared.She said that she had settled the question of woman's sphere. "While Franklin, Peary and Nordenskjold," she said, "have been traversing the earth to find the impossible, I have been searching for woman's sphere. Whatever place woman has filled must have been meant for her by her creator. The spheres of man and woman are the same. The question is no longer the sphere of a whole sex, bit of each as an individual."We must not make the fight for the same rights of the Church that we have of the State for the last fifty years as to privileges. Our constitution has been amended fifteen times. The jurisprudence of England has been altered to suit the progress of generations, and the time has now come for amending the church canons and literature."Other speakers on the programme [sic] were Julia Ward Howe, Harriet Hosmer, Dr. Emily Blackwell, Dr. Elizabeth Cushing, Mrs. Emeline Burlingame Cheney and Mrs. Fannie Barrier Williams.Honors for Mrs. StantonStaffNew York TribuneHonors for Mrs. Stanton.Celebration of Her Eightieth Birthday.A Large Gathering in the Metropolitan Opera House--Enthusiastic Demonstrations--The Addresses--Presentation of a Loving Cup.Fully 3,000 persons assembled at the Metropolitan Opera House last evening to do honor to Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, by celebrating the eightieth birthday of the woman who has done so much in her long life for the elevation of her sex. The celebration was held under the management of the National Council of Women of the United States, and was called a "Reunion of the Pioneers and Friends of Woman's Progress."Among the prominent persons present were Mrs. A.M. Palmer, Mrs. Louisa Eldridge, Mrs. Catharine G. Foote, John W. Hutchinson, Elizabeth Sheldon, Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. William B. Skidmore, Mrs. Louisa Southworth, M. Louisa Thomas and Dr. Jane V. Myers. Mrs. Mary Lowe Dickinson, president of the National Council of Women, presided.Mrs. Stanton was received with loud and prolonged applause as she came upon the platform. She sat in front of a huge floral decoration.Mayor Strong was to have made the address of welcome, but, as he is suffering from a slight indisposition, he sent his secretary, Job. E. Hedges, to take his place.Then came Mrs. Dickinson's address, and greetings were read from far and near. The speakers who followed were the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, M. Carey Thomas, president of Bryn Mawr College; Mrs. Mary Burt, president of the New-York Woman's Christian Temperance Union; Mrs. A. S. Quinton and the Rev. Ida Hultin.Mrs. Stanton then arose to speak. As she did so the audience rose in a body and waved a handkerchief salute. She prefaced her address as follows: "I thank the friends present for this enthusiastic reception. I am well aware that these demonstrations are not so much tributes to me as an individual, as to the great idea I represent--the enfranchisement of woman. One word to the men before I sit down. Many of you seem to feel that the new woman is going to crowd you entirely off the planet. I want to assure you that as long as you have mothers, wives, sisters and sweethearts, they will look out for your interests."Miss Helen Potter then read the principal part of Mrs. Stanton's speech.Among the speakers who followed was Mrs. Fannie B. Williams, colored, who spoke upon the "Progress of Colored Women." As she finished speaking Mrs. Stanton arose and said: "I feel very much touched by what has just been said, more particularly because Frederick Douglass was the only person in the great convention held at Seneca Falls in 1848 who supported me in my appeals for woman suffrage."Just before the close of the meeting Mrs. L. Devereux Blake, on behalf of the New-York City Woman's Suffrage League, presented to Mrs. Stanton a handsome silver loving cup, on which was inscribed:1815.--1895.PresentedtoMrs. Elizabeth Cady StantonbyThe New-York City Woman's Suffrage League,November 12, 1895.Defeated day by day, but unto victory born.More Adoration for Mrs. StantonStaffNew York HeraldMore Adoration for Mrs. Stanton.Men Used to Cross the Street to Avoid Her; Now They Make Obeisance.Reception at the Savoy.The Rev. Anna Shaw Has Her Say Concerning Man Suffragists of Boston.Freedom the Only Remedy.The reception which was given to Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton at the Savoy yesterday afternoon was less formal than the one of the night before at the Metropolitan Opera House, but not in any degree less enthusiastic.Among the many women who called between three and four o'clock to offer her congratulations were the pioneers of many of the lines of woman's advancement.Mrs. Stanton said to them, with a peaceful smile:--"You must think it strange to see this demonstration in my honor, when I tell you that years ago I have seen men and women cross the street and go blocks out of the way to avoid meeting me." She continued with some of her experiences as a public speaker abroad. Mrs. Fannie Garrison Villard, the daughter of William Lloyd Garrison, followed with reminiscences of her father in connection with the memorable campaign in which Mr. Garrison was among the few men who supported Mrs. Stanton. William Lloyd Garrison, Jr., read a poem in commemoration of Mrs. Stanton's birthday.LIKE MOSES AND AARON.Mrs. Dickinson regretted that some of the important organizations had not been represented, and read a letter from Mrs. Ella Dietz Clymer, who should have spoken for the Federation of Clubs. "We say 'Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony,'" Mrs. Dickinson said, "in the same way in which we say 'Moses and Aaron.' We are reminded, too, that about the beginning of another century we shall celebrate Miss Anthony's pioneer birthday. When Mrs. Stanton's birthday came near we thought of bringing to her an offering from every woman who felt in her heart the wish to remember it. The time was too short. We are not going to give Mrs. Stanton her present to-day, because it's a baby yet, but it is growing. There are pioneers enough who are coming into the ripeness of years that we may make a plan to celebrate at least twice in a decade the eightieth birthday of some pioneer. Miss Anthony will come next. Every woman ought to be putting away in her mite box the pennies for her birthday."The hum of "visiting" arose again for a few minutes, but was checked when the Rev. Anna Shaw was called to Mrs. Stanton's chair to speak. "If some one will tell me what to talk about I'll say a word," she replied. After a moment's pause, she went on:-- "Mrs. Stanton says 'Serve up those Boston men,' but that would be such poor picking."THE REMONSTRANCE."Tell about the remonstrance," Mrs. Stanton urged, and Mrs. Shaw acquiesced by saying, "That remonstrance of the Boston men is one of the most encouraging signs of the times. I mean the Men's Suffrage Association of Boston. It puts an end to the hypocrisy that men are willing to give women a vote whenever they demand it. The men who have declared themselves are the very men whom we want to see take up the fight, such men as the president of Harvard college."If there is a class of men on earth who are narrow, it is the men who are authorities along one line of thought. They may know all about Greek or about Latin, but you had better stop there. It is when such men take a stand that we have material to work upon and are able to show just how inefficient their judgment is in lines not akin to their own direction of thought."Women must be freed from all the restrictions which still bind them. In order to become the highest and best in any direction she must be free in all respects; she must be able to do what work she wills, and free to do what she wants when she is best ready to do it."SOME PIONEERS OF TO-DAY.There were present, among the hundreds of women who congratulated Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake, Mrs. A. A. Allen, of Alfred University, where she taught in the first co-educational college; Mrs. Phoebe Hanaford, Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker, Mrs. Rachel Avery Foster, Mrs. Matilda Joselyn Gage, Mme. Antoinette Stirling, Mrs. Elizabeth B. Grannis, Mrs. Isabella Charles Davis, Mrs. Emily Wakeman, Dr. Ellen A. Miles, Mrs. Emily I. Chase, Mrs. May Banks Stacy, Mrs. Clarence Burns, Miss Kate Bond, Mrs. Edwin C. Bolles, Mrs. Annie Nathan Meyer, Miss Helen Varick Boswell and Miss Shaw. Rev. Robert Collyer and John H. Hutchinson were also present. A plaster cast of the clasped hands of Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony had been taken at Mrs. Stanton's home in the morning and was intended to be shown at the afternoon reception, as an emblem of the united work of these two great women, but the plaster was not sufficiently fixed to be exhibited. Miss Meg Culbertson will reproduce the linked hands in marble.Elizabeth Cady Stanton Dies at Her HomeStaffNew York TimesElizabeth Cady Stanton Dies at Her HomeNoted Advocate of Woman's Suffrage Nearly 87 Years Old.Her Championship of Her Political Belief Almost Lifelong--Her Companionship with Miss Susan B. Anthony.Image of Elizabeth Cady StantonMrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton died at 3 o'clock yesterday afternoon at her home in the Stuart Apartment House, 250 West Ninety-fourth Street. Had she lived until the 12th of next month she would have completed her eighty-seventh year. Mrs. Stanton had been ailing for several months, but had not been seriously ill. Of recent years she became very stout, and this, combined with her naturally large frame, made the use of a cane necessary. Saturday she was confined to her bed. Though physically incapacitated, her mental powers were as much in evidence as ever, and only in the first part of the week she had written two articles for publication. Early on Saturday Mrs. Stanton dictated to her secretary a letter.Toward nightfall she lapsed into semi-consciousness and so continued until the end. Her son, Robert L. Stanton, and her daughter, Mrs. Margaret Lawrence, resided with their mother. Six children survive-Henry, Theodore, Mrs. Margaret Lawrence, Mrs. Stanton Blatch, Robert L., and G. Smith Stanton. All reside in New York, except Theodore, who represents Harper's Weekly and several other American publications in Paris.The funeral will be held Wednesday and the interment will be at Woodlawn Cemetery.Mrs. Stanton was born Nov. 12, 1815, in Johnstown, N.Y. She was the daughter of Supreme Court Judge Daniel Cady and wife of the late Henry Brewster Stanton, noted abolitionist and journalist. She began her education at the Johnstown Academy, and later became a pupil at Emma Willard's Seminary, in Troy, a school noted then throughout the country. She was graduated with the class of '32. Eight years later, while attending a world's anti-slavery convention in London, she made the acquaintance of Lucretia Mott, which resulted in the joint issuance of a call for a woman's rights convention. Mrs. Stanton was on her wedding trip at this time. The convention was held at her home, Seneca Falls, July 19 and 20, 1848.The first formal claim for suffrage for women was then made. In 1854 she appeared before the New York legislature and addressed it on "The Rights of Married Women." Six years later she took the stand that drunkenness should constitute a cause for divorce. She as instrumental in having the question of woman suffrage submitted to Kansas in 1867 and Michigan in 1874. She was President of the National Committee of her party from 1855 to 1865. She was also identified with the Women's Loyal League and was President of the National Women's Suffrage Association until 1883. In 1868 she sought to become an actual political factor by entering the lists for Congress. For the past quarter of a century and over she had annual addressed a committee of Congress in favor of an amendment for women to the Constitution of the United States."At the time of her death she was honorary President of the National Women's Suffrage Association. Mrs. Stanton's mother was Margaret Livingston, a daughter of James Livingston, an officer in the American Army during the Revolution. Her father's ancestors came from Connecticut. Mrs. Stanton began to take a great interest in the laws as they applied to women by having access to her father's office, and in which she spent a great deal of time. She began to hold that the statutes were unfair toward women. Before she knew how great a project was confronting her, she had become the evangel of equal rights."After graduation from the Willard Seminary in Troy, Mrs. Stanton came to find herself in sympathy with the principles enunciated by her cousin, Gerritt Smith, the anti-slavery agitator. She became desirous of knowing just what the conditions were in the South, and it was at the house of an abolitionist that she met her future husband.Through her efforts, practically unaided, she caused the passage of a "Woman's Property bill" by the New York Legislature, delivering a two-hour speech thereon. With her work as an anti-slavery advocate and claimant for women's rights, she also found time to devote to the cause of temperance.She was wont to tell that as early as her sixteenth year she became a believer in woman's rights. Her vexation and mortification were great when her brothers went to college and she could not also go. About this time she was often in a tilt with the law students in her father's office over the rights of women. When they could not score any other way they would mention "The Taming of the Shrew," not at all to the liking of their opponent.Mrs. Stanton met Daniel O'Connell in London. "He was," she said, "tall, well developed, and a magnificent-looking man, and probably one of the most effective speakers Ireland ever produced." She was in Paris in 1840 at the time the body of Napoleon Bonaparte was brought to France from St. Helena by the Prince de Joinville, and witnessed the wild excitement over the event.While the Stanton family was living at Chelsea, Mass., Whittier became a regular visitor. During such time he unfolded to Mrs. Stanton one of the most deeply interesting pages of his life, a sad romance of love and disappointment. Mrs. Stanton first met Miss Susan B. Anthony when the latter was a demure young Quakeress. The two ever worked together in friendship and sympathy. Mrs. Stanton said of their joint labors:"We never met without issuing a pronunciamento on some question. In thought and sympathy we are one, and in the division of labor we exactly complemented each other. In writing we did better work than either could alone. While she is slow and analytical in composition, I am rapid and synthetic. I am the better writer, she the better critic. She supplies the facts and statistics, I the philosophy and rhetoric, and, together, we have made arguments that have stood unshaken through the storms of long years-arguments that no one has answered. Our speeches may be considered the united product of our two brains."The crowning work of Mrs. Stanton's life is held to be by many the "Woman's Bible." Lady Henry Somerset and Miss Frances E. Willard discussed the project of this Bible with Mrs. Stanton, but finally withdrew their names from the committee, fearing that the work would be too radical. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton were the founders of the Loyal League, which had for its object the relief of the suffering families of Union soldiers, the heads of which were at the front. In 1886 Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony issued in collaboration three volumes entitled "History of Women's Suffrage."It is a noteworthy fact that Miss Anthony finished the fourth volume only last week. In 1895 Mrs. Stanton published "Eighty Years and More," being a volume of reminiscences of her life. She was the author of scores of essays upon marriage, divorce, and allied subjects. From 1870 to 1880 she devoted the greater part of her time to lecturing. On Nov. 12, 1895, she was the central figure in a most memorable reception which took place in the Metropolitan Opera House, this city, and was attended by prominent suffragists from every part of the country. This reception marked the completion of her eightieth year.TRIBUTE FROM MISS ANTHONY.Rochester, N.Y. Oct. 26.-The news of the death of Elizabeth Cady Stanton fell with almost crushing weight upon Miss Susan B. Anthony, who had planned to go to New York on Nov. 12 to assist the venerable advocate of woman's suffrage in the celebration of her eighty-seventh birthday. Miss Anthony said to-night:"Through the early days, when the world was against us, we stood together. Mrs. Stanton was always a courageous woman, a leader of thought and new movements. I always called her the philosopher and statesman of our movement. She was a most finished writer, and every State paper presented to Congress or the State Legislatures in the early days was written by Mrs. Stanton."I cannot express myself at all as I feel. I am too crushed to say much, but, if she had outlived me, she would have found fine words with which to express our friendship.""What period of your lives gave you the greatest pleasure?" was asked."When we were digging together. When she forged the thunderbolts and I fired them. The greatest campaign we ever had together was in 1869, at the constitutional convention held in Kansas for suffrage and the same year in New York State."In spite of her big family, to whom she was devoted, and the great amount of work she did outside her home, she was one of the finest housekeepers I ever saw."